The Zybach Collection · Jedediah Smith
A. Black, Jedediah Smith, and the Location of the Hudson’s Bay Company Pack Trails in Northwest Oregon in 1828 — Second Draft and Outline
Bob Zybach · 14 December 1987
The earliest piece of this work: a ninety-three-page student draft written for the Department of English at Oregon State University, reconstructing the escape routes of Arthur Black and of the Smith party from the surviving journals, and the Hudson’s Bay Company brigade’s return that autumn. Its appendices summarise the men on both sides and list every map the author consulted.
- Extent
- 93 pages, 26,470 words of text
- Held
- 3 pages are withheld from this edition pending review. Each keeps its number and its anchor.
- The creator’s file
- Zybach_DRAFT_19871214.pdf, 11.3M — in his own folder.
A. BLACK, JEDEDIAH SMITH, AND THE LOCATION OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY PACK TRAILS IN NORTHWEST OREGON IN 1828 Second Draft and Outline By Bob Zy.bach Prepared For Mr. Barry Lawler Department of English Oregon State University December 14, 1987
11 • On the 14th July, Mr. Smith had left the Encampment in order to search out a road, the country being very swampy in the low lands and woody in the mountains, and on his arrival at or near the Encampment, he and others which were with him, were fired on by a party of Indians, but fortunately made their Escape; the Camp and property was all in possession of the Indians, 15 of the men killed, one only made his Escape, (a black.) The Indians who made the attack were very numerous; they entered the encampment and massacred the men with their knives, axes, &c. Mr. Smith then made his way to Fort Vancouver. 11 -From a report to General William Clark by the firm of Smith, Jackson, & Sublette. Probably written by Jedediah Smith in St. Louis, Missouri on December 24, 1829.
TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ..... . . . . . . 1 Summary . . . . 2 Introduction .. 3 Purpose ......... . . . . 3 Need . . . . . . 3 Scope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Methodology . . . . . . .......... . 5 Sources of Information ............. . 6 Authorization. . . ............. . 8 Description of Northwest Oregon in 1828 .............. 9 Basic Geography ........................ 9 Basic History of Northwest Fur Trade .............. 9 Indian Tribes Encountered By Smith In Northwest Oregon .... 9 Siuslawan . . .................... 11 Kelawatset (Lower Umpqua River) . . . . . . . . 11 Siuslaw (Siuslaw River) .............. 11 Yakonan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Alsi (Alsea River) ................. 11 Yacona (Yaquina River) ............... 11 Coast Salish . . . . . . . . . . .... 11 Siletz (Siletz River) ............ 11 Ti 11 amook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Nechesne (Salmon River) ............ 11 Nestucca (Nestucca River) . . . . ..... 11 Killamaux (Trask River) . . . . ...... 11 Kalapuyan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... 11 Yamel (Yamhill River) ................ 11 Tualati (Tualatin River) .............. 11 Pudding River (Multnomah Falls) ........... 11 Santiam (Calapooia River, Lane County) ....... 11 Lontombuff (Long Tom River) ............. 11 Calapuya (Calapooia Mountains) ....... 11 Yoncalla (Calapooya Creek, Douglas County) ..... 11 Ch inookan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Multnomahs (Sauvies Island) . . . . . . . .... 11 Clackamas (Clackamas River) ............. 11 Iroquois, Abanakas, and Kanakas (Fort Vancouver) ..... 12 Athapascan (Upper Umpqua River) ............. 12 Western Oregon Indian Plagues . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 9 1776-1780 Smallpox . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..... 10 1830-1834 Malaria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Narrative . 13 1. The Umpqua Massacre: July 14, 1828 .. 13
Withheld from this edition pending review. The item keeps its place in the register and its permanent link.
Table 4. Modern Counties, Cities, and Highways . 50 Appendix C: Biographical Summaries and References .... , ..... 51 Arthur Black. . . . . . . . . . ............. 51 William Cannon. . . . . . . . . ............. 51 Michel La Framboise ...................... 51 Richard Leland. . . . . . . . . . . ..... 51 Little Chief . . ..................... 51 Thomas McKay . . ................. 51 Alexander Roderick McLeod . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .51 John McLoughlin. . . . . ................. 51 Peter Skene Ogden ....................... 51 George Simpson ........................ 51 Jedediah Strong Smith ..................... 51 St. Arnoose (Old Chief) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .51 John Turner. . . . . . ................ 51 Appendix D: Journals, Reports And Correspondence . . . .... 52 Robert Haswell; Coast: August, 1788 .............. 52 John McLaughlin; Vancouver: August 8-10, 1828 ...... . NA Alexander R. McLeod; Coast: June-August, 1826 . . . . . . .55 Donald Manson; Willamette Falls: May, 1826 .......... 61 Alexander R. McLeod; Nestucca Pass: May and August, 1826 ... 62 Alexander R. McLeod; Return to Massacre Site: Fall, 1828 ... 66 Alexander R. McLeod; Umpqua to Vancouver: Late Fall, 1828 ... NA George Simpson; Vancouver: December 26, 1828 and March 1, 1829 NA Theodore Talbot; Coast: August-September, 1849 ........ 77 References . . . . . . . . . . . ................ 78 Journals, Reports, and Correspondence ............. 78 Consultants. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .79 Organizations ......................... 80 Maps ............................. 81 Books ............................. 83 Articles . . ......................... 88
ABSTRACT
(P.L.) 90-5~3, The Jational Trails Systew Act, was passert
by Con<?ress ir. 196f to "f--ror,ote the developrrent of trails in both
urban and rural s0ttinss for persons of all aoes, interests, and
back9roun<ls." This act defined three cate9ories of trails: National
Scenic Tr2ils, National Recreation Trails, and ConnectinJ and Side
Trails. In 1978, this act w2s amended (P.L. 96-625) to include a
fourth cate9ory--the rational Historic Trail.
'I''V? ?ur;--,osE of the Hic:tcric Trc i ls "Act v·as for the II
il1entif ication ar.:-1
In 1983
,=rnrJther arr,-=11:':'r~r_t, P.L. 9:'-1.1, \•;as ;:ic~c!e<' to the N.:tior.21 Trails SystPT
Act in order to stu( 1 y the f~asil)ili ty of ac1 dinn the Jedeciah Smith
Trail to tl-ie systerri--in either the "Scenic" or tlie "Iiistoric"
category.
Tllf' "Je(~c.i.-i'l Sr•i L, Draft National Tr,,il Stucy," \-,as pu':ilish. 0
~ by t'.F
"S ~-i t • Dr a= t " co:-:-::l u ,.., t!1at the trails fol lov 1 ec by Srr,i t:.11 "c1 ic". not
t.ccor e historic routes of travel." Further, the various ricps j nclnC:e ..:
\'i th t 1e report carried tile lerenc: "Route ',etPecn Fort VancvuvPr ar.c.
UrriFqua ni ver not ~no•.,n-:.."
As such, it
fat2jls the se?a=ate route~ of Arcrican traJ>?Prs S~ith and Arthur
3lack fol lo·,,ing thr-> "U:r::i("_!ua!•;assacre" of l ':7F'. between the Unpqua River, on the Oreqon Coast, anc Fort Vancouver, on the Columbia River. SUMMARY On July 14, 1828, an expedition of beaver trappers lecl by Jedediah Smith, of the Arrerican firm 11 SJT1ith, Jackson & Sublette" (SJ&S), was attackec and massacred by Kelawatset Indians. The attack took place at the junction of the Sr ith and Umpqua rivers on the Oregon Coast, a:1C is cor1monly referrec~ to as the "Umpqua Massacre." Four men, includinc Snith an~ an ef'l 1.lo~·ee, Arthur Bl2ck, survived the attack and escarea to Fort Vancouver. The Fort was o~ne' a~d controlled by a cor"pctinq British fur-trading business, the Hudson's Bay Co:-.pany (HBC). Between Septerber 6 an~ Dece~ber 14, 1828, the two men took part in an HBC ex?edition to the Urnpqua to search for SJ&S survivors and to recover stolen articles. Ur,t il now, the ser2r;=ite routes taken hy Black and by Srrii th and his Thece trails, connectjn~ L:.r ale Spc:-1 ish roac s of C2,lifor'li,, anc thC' ne1.:]y-constructed HRC routes of ~Jorthv:cs t Ore~ en, have l' i rcct J y developed into the "historically si~ 1ni:i:icc,nt" Appl gate Trail, Interstate 5, Hi<:;hway 99, Highway 1r1, and the Southern Pacific line connecting California to the Pc cific Northwest. This ref)ort exar1ines and r,aps the routes tr~veled by Plac': ~na Smjth for the 5 month period betwee:1 the time of t'.10. nas!=·acre and the return to Fort Vancouver.
3
INTRODUCTIO,
Purpose
The purpose of this report is to examine and map the prob~ble routes
taken by the survivors of the July 14, 1828 Umpgua Massacre as they
escaoed to the safety of Fort Vancouver, Oregon (the historic site of
mocern-day Vancouver, Washington). These routes, when coupled with
the subsequent expedition taken to search for survivors and to recover
stolen fur8 and horses, form the first important explorations by land
of U1E Or gon. Codst anC ihllarette Valley hy Arierican citizenc. These
eYrloratioris can 1-)e s'.10wn to hrive led directly to the settlement of
western Oregon (~n~ also California) by U.S. citizens,
Nee,'
Ti10 need for an rxar ination o.f Black'~ anc Smith's trails can be
sur,1r.1.::.ri?ec·! by the necyc, ivc findinc;s and conclusions of the Sr.ith
Draft. It is hOF;eC' with the co11r-,letion of this report that the
Jede~iah S1~ith Trails can ~e reexamined for possible inclusion in the
,·ational Trails Systern. Such designAtion would help preserve and
11rott?ct the traj ls for tlv~ stuc.y and enjoynent of future senerations
cf ~Gstern travelers. It woulc also hrirc_:- to puLlic attsntion the
often unreco9nized i~portance of Sr·ith's acco~plishnents in {irectlv contributing to the settlement (and acquisition) of the West by Americans. In addition to recognizing the historical significance and locations of Smith's Oregon travels, there is also much useful information to be derived by historians and anthropologists regarding the various Indian tribes he encountered during that time. As will be noted later in the report, most of the Indians that Smith met and observed in Oregon were dead within a few years. The plagues that destroyed many complete families and tribes in Oregon and northern California between 1830 and 1834 had profound effects upon the settlement of this region by European-Americans. They also destroyed most of the remnants of tribal cultures that had existed here since j,n prehistoric times. Scope This project has two serious limitations: time and money. Due to the necessity of meeting a deadline, many important details have had to be briefly summarized or referenced for later examination. The lack of funding (other than on a limited, private basis) has also contributed to a certain lack of detail regarding many of the elements of Black's and Smith's exploits. It is anticipated that a more detailed report will be prepared for publication at some future time.
Methodology Contemporary accounts, modern resources and personal observations are used in an attempt to recreate the routes taken by Arthur Black (who was separated from the other survivors) and the Smith, Leland, and Turner group as they fled to the protection of the Hudson's Ba; Company. The return trip in the fall to the massacre site is also examined in detail, principally relying on the daily journal maintained by the HBC enployee (Alexander R. McLeod) that headed the recovery expedition. In order to arrive at reasonable conclusions, contemporary journals, reports, and correspondence are usec. as prir'lary references to modern anc historic maps, aerial photos, and surveys. These sources are supplemented with correspondence and conversations with acknowledged experts, anc with on-site examinations of most portions of the kno~n routes. In constructing t~is report, I have attempted to use two pieces of acivice given to me by Raymund F. \7ood, Presiclent of the Jedediah S1r.it!-1 Society and author of Monuments to Jedediah Smith (1984): . . . If you are concerned with the track from Umpqua to thP Fort, you should start at the very beginning, anc. show how the two parties, Blac~ alone, and the other group of three, started out. anc1-- I \las tauo,ht the hare: \·Jay, as I earnec r'lY doctorate in medieval histor:,,·. Jl1stify 11 anc C::ocu:i1cnt everything," ,,.;as the rule.
"There are no generally accepted facts," my professor once told me. Sources of Information The sources of information referred to in the section regarding "Methodology" are many and varied. Although a major reliance must be placed upon contemporary journals, historic maps, and personal observations for most of the final conclusions in the report, other sources of information have been necessary and vital in order to reach those stages. Many indivi~uals l1ave been extreMely helpful in provifing essential information or insights toward completing this research. Of particular note are Dorothy O. Johansen, who accurately interpreted McLeod's journals in the early 1960's--and then graciously agreed to discuss her conclusions by telephone a few months ago; John C. Jackson, who first provide~ me with a copy of the Gibbs-Burr map--anC then spent several hours l~nowle'gahly discussing Smith, his travels, and his business; Rut~ Stoller, who originally provided Me with co~ies an0 inforr.1atior1 re~arcing the movement of tlle HBC in the \vil lar.:ette Valley; Kenneth Munford, whose articles and conversations have spar~er my interest and addec. to my understanding of the topic; anc Addie Dyal, who allowed ne free rein of the reference books at the Oregon State Library "after hours." Others, 1,any of whc1'" v~ere just as help£ 11 as those rrentioned here, are 1 ister. al 2hahetica l ly in the "Reference" section.
Any work on Smith must necessaril_r be based upon the published books and articles of Dale Morgan, Maurice Sullivan, and Harrison Dale. Less well-l~nown (but even more essential for a report of this nature) are the writings of Alice B. Maloney and Lancaster Pollard. These references are all vital for anyone wishing to learn anythin~ of value re9ardins Snith and his journeys. So far as historic maps are concerne~, George Gibbs' efforts have ~een particularly useful, although he gives most of the credit to s~ith, hinself (in 1851, commenting upon the confusion regarding the location and names of the Rogue anc Kla ath rivers, he noted, "The (1831) manuscript map of Oregon and California, by Jedediah S. Smith, which was till lately the best source of information as to this part of the country, [is] in general sisularly accurate, considering t~e extent of the region traversed . "(Davies, K.G., 1961: po. lxv). The most hel?ful modern maps have been USGS Quadrilnsle Maps fer western Ore9on, and Metzger County [1aps for the sa:ne reg ion. A1 thouc-ri the Metzser's arc notoriously innaccurate in many res-ards, they do accurately ~erict legal boundaries to the nearest square mile, an~ often shoH out-c•atec: roans anc.' ovmerships as wel 1. GLO surveys, aerial photos anr. otl1er rraps (ilc:rticularly state and county road surveys) have also been of use at various points. Finally, none of this could have even been atte~~ted if it ha<ln't been for the in~ividuals who record0~ t~ese events in the first place: ilarrison Rogers, John NcLou_hlin, Jefe~iah Swith, St. Arnoose, Davi~ Douglas, and, in particular, Alexan~er McLeod. Without their efforts
our knowledge of Northwest Oregon in the 1820's would be greatly diminished. Authorization This report has been authorized by Mr. Barry Lawler of the Department of English at Oregon State University in Corvallis, Oregon. It is submitted to partially satisfy~ the requirements of his Fall Term, 1987 WR 327 class.
Description of Northwest Oregon in 1828 Basic Geography Basic History of Nortln-:est Fur Trade *********************~ Summary ********************** The above information will be summarized from Carey, Irving, and other standard sources, into just a few paragraphs. Indian Tribes Encountered By Smith In Northwest Oregon Although Indians were the principal cause of Smith's and Black's problems, they also proved to be the salvation of the four survivors--ulti~ately hand delivering them to McLaughlin at Fort Vancouver. Another (major) consideration is that the routes of the r1en i.'Ould have been very greatly a f fecte~ by the location, population, and disposition of the v~rious tribes that they encountered, p2rticularly along the Orego:1 Coast. Although tlle 1cLeod Appendix adequately covers the coastal routes traveled by the men, the Haskins and Talbert sections are primarily concerned with changes in tribal sizes and attitufes before and after contact with Snith's ~en. :Jestern Oregon Inc1ian Plagues
Haswell remarks upon the signs of small pox on the Indians he encounters near the Salmon River in Lincoln County in 1788. In 1805, Lewis and Clark make several observations regarding the apparent large loss of population in several tribes along the Columbia. In 1814, Henry comments further upon the decimated villages he encounters. All reports seem to agree that sometime around 1780 diseases introduced by whites were responsible for severely affecting local Indian populations. Between 1830 and 1834, thousands of Oregon and northern California Indians more died. This corresponds exactly to another plague along the Columbia (quite possibly malaria introduced by sailors), and to initial Ineian contacts with ~•hite traders from that resion. In 1826 McLeod traveled along the coast between the Siuslaw and the Nestucca with a group of trappers suffering from a large variety of physical illnesses. This may have been the starting point for the decimation of those tribes. When Smith traveled the same route in 1R28, it may be that he encountered tribes with serious health difficulties--although there is no record of that being the case. By 1849 (Talbot's visit) the coastal tribes were in a serious state of decline. That makes the timing of Smith's Oregon travels of serious interest to many anthropologists; from that point thereafter Indian populations were severely affected by European contact and their populations and cultures were forever altered or eliminated. 1776-1780 Smallpox Alexander Henry: Sunday January 23, 1814 (Perrine, 1924: p.308)
[Lewis & Clark] 1830-1832 Malaria (Townsend, 1978: p. 223) Thursday April 3, 1806 Illiam Clark: ... I prevailed on an old man to draw me a sketch of the Multnomar [Willamette] River and give me the names of the nations resideing on it which he readily done, and gave me the names of 4 nations who reside on this river two of them very neomerous. The first is Clark-a-mus [Clackamas] nation reside on a small river which takes its rise in Mt. Jefferson and falls into the Multnomar about 40 miles up. this nation is noumerous and inhabit 11 towns. the 2nd is the Cush-hooks who reside on the N.E. side below the falls, the 3rd is the Char-cowah who reside above the Falls on the S.W. side neither of those two are very noumerous. The fourth Nation is the Cal-lar-po-e-wah (Kalapuya) which is very noumerous & inhabit the country on each side of the Multnomar from its falls as far up as knowledge of those people extend. (Perrine, 1924: p.298) [MN] By 1841, Wilkes was able to estimate the living members of the above tribes at only a few hundred. By 1900, there were no more descendents of any of them. My plan is to give a brief description (or reference) to each of the following tribes by Ruby and Brown, and by Berreman. Siuslawan Kelawatset (Lower Umpqua River) Siuslaw (Siuslaw River) Yakonan Alsi (Alsea River) Yacona (Yaquina River) Coast Salish Siletz (Siletz River) Tillamook Neche sne (Salmon River) Nestucca (Nestucca River) Killamaux (Trask River) Kalapuyan Yamel (Yamhill River) Tualati (Tualatin River) Pudding River (Multnomah Falls) Santiam (Calapooia River, Lane County) Lontombuff (Long Tom River) Calapuya (Calapooia Mountains) Yoncalla (Calapooya Creek, Douglas County) Chinookan Multnomahs (Sauvies Island)
Clackamas (Clackamas River) Iroquois, Abanakas, and Kanakas (Fort Vancouver) Athapascan (Upper Umpqua River) The Iroquois, Abanakas and Kanakas (Hawaiians) were brough to Fort Vancouver by the HBC, and to Oregon by the Northwest Company and by Astor before them. The Iroquois and Abanakas were more like "Mountain Men" than Indians, and may not have been able to say much in their native tongues, having spent several generations trapping in the wilds of eastern Canada. They probably spoke French and English, and undoubtably spoke the Chinook jargon (based partly on the Chinookan dialect spoken along the lower Columbia).
HARRATIVE 1. Tne U., gua llassacre: July 14, 1828 On November 5, 1S26, Hudson's Bay Chief Trader Alexander R. McLeod wrote Jo:in !-1.CLOUCJhlin a letter frorr, his base camp on the Umpqua, uhich T,..;as located al.>out 27 11iles ur,strearn from the Pacific. After first cor·,pla i nin~ about the loca 1 scarci t_• of beaver and the great difficulty in ~ovinq any furtber westward with horses, he described his jt.,_st-cor .pl eted exploration to the south of the Umpqua: . we descended this River to the sea anf procee~P~ along th~ bee: ch to the next strear, ancJ so on to tl1e ne:, t w:1ere ,,,e focnd a Country seemingly calculated to favour our vie,,s and the natives well disposed towards us to cement our intercoDrse the more stronsly a brisk trade insued and as long as their neans r=,ermittec continued with satisfaction to both parties I shall not intrude on your tin.e by a recital of the astonishment our unexpected intrusion caused these Children of Nature suffice it to sa)' th<1 t if any danger ever eY.istec in s;-oing among this peopl (~ no further an-rehension need be entertained. (Davies, ICG., lSGl: r-2.221-;.;2) ruQ] ;tcLrc, t!1e:-1 _:oe· 011 to rc~nc;rk t~1at, "our Scalt.:,ers are of such an i:-1fErie,r ,._uc:lit" ti ~t t:1e native~ !)refer k:iives of their m·r. r.ar:cfactun- to those i•-r1orted for trade." IIo··.1 coul0. it be that the Huc:son' s Bay Corrnany could safely travel an~ trc•c:.E: e.r..ons the Ur-pciua, Siusla·,·, unc Coos In<'iians in lP~f, while Smit~ a.n( i is r:ien -:-;ere ~urrc1~sec'1 clnd bt.,_tchcred in the sar·~e locatj ons less n,:'o~t to dPtcrminc the courc-es of the survivors after the occurrenc...,
of the massacre, there are at least two goo~ reasons to closely examine the causes and printed accounts of the event itself: First, by establishing the contradictions among students anc scholars concerning the causes and circumstances of the event, it becones possible to eli~inate many sources from further consideration. Secon~, after the more consistant and reliable sources have be~n identified, a relatively accurate idea as to Black's and Smith's beginning points can be determined. Once these locations have heen establishe<l, it becomes a much easier task to identify their probable routes of travel in the days and weeks to follow. S~ecific Causes. Of the several dozen accounts that exist of th~ Unpqua Massacre, six basic ther1es or incicents can be identifieC.: as having directly cause~ the event to occur. These are: the poor management of the A~erican party; the sexual harassment of the local Indian wor~en; tlle harsh treatment of an InC:ian concerning a stolen axe; the humiliation of another over the unauthorized use of a horse; territorial and tr~Cc protection; and instisation by a local Oc:"l~/, the . ost o )Vious rca~on for lhe massacre--the theft of thcusa~rls of dollars ~orth of furs and animals--is rarel1 rr-entionec1 or discus sec .. The fact t~at the survivors were ahle to go to Fort Vancouver (or-erated by thf' records-conscious EBC) resulted in a lar9e amount 0£ ~rirary sourc0 material cine r_coraed and _reserved. If tl1ey ha~ escc:ped to Russi an Fort Ross, t"exican San Francisco, or Ancr icon J~ckso~•s Hole, it is unlikely that any veri~iahle conte~,orary
records would have been created at all. As it is, we are left with several excellent accounts that can be used to corroborate one another for many details. In order to reconstruct the circumstances that directly led to the massacre, I have relied most heavily upon the following sources: *********************************************************** Barry: At this point I have had to begin summarizing my information: *********************************************************** Secondary Sources Victor (1859), Dale (1918), Carey (1922), Malone~· (1940), Morgan (1953), Bec~ha~ (1977) Primary Sources McLoushlin (Augus~ 10-12, 1828 letter), Simpson (December 26, 1828 letter and March 1, 1829 report), SMith, Black, Rogers, and St. Arnoose (See the Appendix for October 10-12, 1828) Se~ual Harassrent Lev.:is & Clar:~ Chinook Quotes Ross 1814 Quotes Harrison Roqers, May 1828 Simpson, ~arch 1, 1229 McLoug~lir Ne@oir 1cKay spPculation
Curiously, Simpson's March 1, 1829 account adds that the attack was precipitated by Rogers' attempt to "force a Woman into his Tent", a circumstance not alluded to by any of the other sources, including "St. Arnoose'', the credible Umpquah Chief quoted by McLeod. This theme was later adopted by McLoughlin, and most recently by Beckha~. "Dr. McLouglin later learned that the fur trappers attempted to carry off some of the Indian women in a village near the junction of the Smith and Umpqua rivers. The Indian men fought back. They killed fourteen of the American trappers." (Beckham: p.108) Stolen Ax Rogers, July 12, 1828 St. Arnoose, October 11, 1828 McLoughlin, August 12, 1828 Saturday July 12, 1328. Harrison Rogers: We commenced crossing the river earl, and had our goods and horses over by 8 o.c. then packed up and started a N.E. course up the river and traveled 3 mi and enc. Had several Inds. along; one of the Inds. stole and ax and we were obliged to seize him before we could scare him to make him give it up. Capt. Smith and o~e of them cauc;ht hir. anc put a cord around his neck, and the rest of us stood with our guns ready in case they made resistance there was about 50 inds. present but did not pretend to resist tying the other. [UQ] Poor Organization NcLoughlin, 1826 instructions to McLeod Simpson, Dcce~ber 26, letter Ermantinger, 1829 letter Horse Incident Sarr9 sources as "Stolen Axe" Maloney Story ( aloney, 1940) Trace Protection
St. Arnoose, October 11, 1828
Smith had just breakfasted, and was occupied in looking for
a fording-place for the animals, being on a raft , and having
with him a little Englishman and one Indian. When they were in
the middle of the river the Indian snatched Smith's gun and
jumped into the water. At the same instant a yell from the camp,
which was in sight, proclaimed that it was attacked. Quick as
thought Smith snatched the Englishman's gun, and shot dead the
Indian in the river.
To return to the camp was certain death. Already several
of his men had fallen; overpowered by numbers he could not hope
that any would escap, and nothing was left him but flight. He
succeeded in getting to the opposite shore with his raft before
he cculd be intercepted, and fled with his companion, on foot and
with only one gun, and no provisions, to the mountains that
border the river .
Of the men left in the cam~, only two escaped. One man
named Black defended himself until he saw an opportunity for
flight, when he escaped to the cover of the woods, and finally to
a friendly tribe farther north, near the coast, who piloted him
to Vancouver. The remaining man was Turner, of a very powerful
frame, who was doing camp duty as cook on this eventful morning.
When the Indians rushed upon him he defended himself with a huge
firebrand, or half-burnt poplar stick, with which he laid about
him like Sampson, killing four red-skins before he saw a chance
of escape. (Victor, 1983: v. Ip. 34)
.Smith with a couple of Men and an Indian, went in
search of a favorable route for their Horses, leaving 16 Men in
tl1e Camp which was surroundea by a large body of Indians, who
appeared to be on a friencly visit to them, but who at a given
Sisr.al attackec the camp, and destroyed the whole party, except
one Man who saved hiMself by darting into the Woods.--Smith, on
his return in a Srrall canoe fortunately discovered before
lan~ing. that the Massacre had ta\en place, otherwise he would
have shared the fate of his conirades; but with his two Men
pa{dl d to tl1e □ ?posite of the River, and saved themselves by
flight into tl1e Woocts.--The Man who escaped the dreadful camp
scene, fell into the hands of Friendly Indians, by whom he was
cond~cted to this Establishment, ~nd Smith and his two followers
wade their appearance here a few Days afterwards, on the 10th of
August, where they were received with every kindness and
hos itality.-- (Sullivan 147)
-- Sirrpson letter to HBC Mar 1, 1829
Bl ck, as it happened, had just finished cleanin~ and loading his
rifle, when the attack came. Three Indians had leapef on him.
He shook ther1 off and, seeing all his comrades struggling on th
ground and the Indians stabbing them, had fired into the crow~
and r11shed to the woods with several of them in hot pursuit.
Fortuna~ely he succeeded in eluding them. Turner's escape had Withheld from this edition pending review. The item keeps its place in the register and its permanent link.
/9 when? Did Turner hide, and from his hiding place see Smith coming down river? Did he hail him? Did he swim out to him? Or did he join him after Smith paddled to the farther shore and started north? These are questions which cannot be answered with any degree of certitude; but from a study of the lay of the land certain conjectures can be made. If you are concerned with the track from Umpqua to the Fort, you should start at the very beginning, and show how the two 2arties, Black alone, and the other group of three, started out. As you can see from the above conjecture and questions I am making with regard to the massacre, I myself have fallen into error in the matter. Relying too much on the sentence "Smith and two companions ... " as it appears twice in McLoughlin's accounts, i assumed that the man with Leland was Turner. Dale Morgan falls into the same trap. On page 267 he says " ... taking with him Leland and Turner, with one of the natives as a guide." So I am in good company. But if Victor is correct, and Dale also, Turner was camp cook that morning. How could he have been in a canoe with Smith? So the question is, how authoritative are Victor and Sullivan? What sources do they use? What is the exact wording of Simpson's letter of 1829? Does Sullivan quote it in full? (I don't have access to either at the moment). These are significant matters . Either Turner was off in a canoe being fired upon by hostile Indians from the river bank, or he was in the camp, defending his life with a firebrand, and possibly killing four Indians with it before making his escape and rejoining his chief. You can't have it both ways. -- From an August 14, 1987 letter to the author from Raymund F. Wood, President of the Jedediah Smith Society and author of Monuments To Jedediah Smith (1984). [Note: The Turner story actual~took place 5 or 6 years later, in the Siskiyou 1ountains in southern Oregon. leek combined the two stories when he told them to Victor. Dale quotes Victor's version.] "At the moment of attack 1r. Smith was off with two men in a Canoe to ascend & examine Bridge River, a stream that flows into the Umpqua, to see if he could find a road to take his Horses- a short time after Mr. Smith's derarture, their being about a h~ndre~ Indians in the Camp & the Americans busy arranging their arns \'hich got wet the day previous, the Indians suddenly rushed on them, two got hold of his (Blacks) Gun to take it from him, in contending with them he was wounded on the hands by their Knives & another cane with an a .. e to strike him on the head, which he avoided by Springing on one side & received the blow on the back. He then let go his Gun & rushed to the woods, as he was coming away he saw two Indians on one Virgil, another, Davis was in the
water & Indians were pursuing him in a Canoe, a third was on the ground & a band of Indians were butchering him with axes-- Mr. Smith arrived with the two men who were with him in the Canoe, he was as I already stated gone with them to examine the Banks of the River; after proceeding a few miles he returned & when within sight of his Camp seeing none of his people at the place, it struck him with surprise & while looking about to see where his people could be, an Indian from the shore spoke to an Indian with him, the latter immediately turned round, seized Mr. Smiths Rifle & dived in the River, & at the same time natives that were in the Bushes fired on Mr. Smith & his two men, who escaped by paddling to the opposite bank; ... (McLaughlin: pg 69)
l, ( J._, The Escape North Along The Coast After fleeing the site of the massacre, both Black and the Smith party were left with several options. However, each circumstance held different possibilities. Black was without his rifle, seriously wounded, and without food. He was also completely alone in an alien world and undoubtably both grief- and terror-stricken. By contrast, Smith, Turner, and Leland were left without wounds, in a group, and with weapons for hunting and defense. Although there seens to be several different opinions concerning the route(s) taken by the survivors of the massacre, it is difficult to say how that occurred, as the facts were fairly well known from the beginning and, with the exception of some embellishments apparently added by Black and Simpson, there seems little reason for the confusion. The men went directly fro the Umpq11a to Fort Vancouver, where McLoughlin (an accurate reporter, albeit with strong opinions anct occasionally hasty judgements) wrote down what he was told. There seems to be no good reason to contradict his account, except to entertain, excuse, or justify. When McLoughlin writes: "he ascended a Hill from whence he sa • his Camp distinctly, but seeing none of his people & from none of them corning forward v1 hen he was fired on though wit~in reach, he naturally concluded they were all
cutt off, s~apec.! ~1is course for the ocean & fell or, it at Aliriuc-
11
Ri ver, v!e can as surr.e that the account is accurate e>:cept that if
Smith had "shapeC:: his course for the ocean" he would have arriveC:: ~t
the Siltcoos or, at the furthest, the Siuslaw.
There is no ·~·a·1 t::c:t t-lcLoe::-;lilin could have had r.,ore than a very
gener-1 knm:lccc.:e of the coastline, ancJ therefor r..:::_• r:uve a~sur1ec~ thut
the coastal river~ ,,•ere nearly as narrow as the rel2ti·,1e short
distances that separated their estuaries. As an expericncee Mountain
Man, much less a rational hurian being, Srr.ith and his tv 10 rr.en, proha½ly
armed with at least 2 guns, 3 knives, and an axe, Fould not have
plunged into the hcacJ-l1igh salal, saln:onberry, huc~-.l~t:)crr~1, and ferns
that cover th= Coast Ran~e. Part icu 1 ar ly s inc(• thc>re •,·c re no known
trails bisectins t:1e river drainages at that ti·r,t'.
be right about the men angling toward the ocean. He just mad a poor
est inia te ( prbab ly a id eel by McLeoc or one of the tra.pj,E:rs) as to \·.'h icl-i
river Smith first a~rivcd at.
Concerning Blac~.;::
To retu:::-r to t'.c c&,.r, ,Ic::s certain deatli. l\lrr,:.,(\ S'"''.-cr,d cif '1js
men J·.acJ :a] le-.; ovcrpo':Jered hy number~ he cot 1;-' r,ct iio:)P t;1c:t -.r1y
v.'Oulc escc1:~, z:,( nothing Wu.S left hi!" 1..,ut flic'1t. rjn ~!lCC2('(0(i
in getting to the opposite shore with his raft 'irfor,., he cou]r' be
interceptec, anC:: fl2c. 1 with his co;11panion, on foot and '.,;i th onl:·
one gun, anc1 no provisions, to the n,ountains tha-:. :.:-orc1er the
river . . Of the men left in the carr:p, only t,.:o escapee~. One
man namRd Black defended himself until h~ sa~ an opportunity [0r
f 1 igh t, when !1e escapeG to the cover of the \.'OOC~s, 2 nc f ina J 1_, tr;
a frienc]ly tri~e farther north, near t~c crast, ~~o rjlotc. hi~
to Vancouver.
lie no pro:.Jler, .
. ,r-:.;,arec:, and the location of the men, it ;-1 as not ~x.rticul:?rly necessary to build fires. For the most part, though, there was no \.-. particular reason for Smith and '"1s men to forego the comfort anc security of nightly campfires. Blcick was another matter. He was running scared, and said so. Having been wouncie6 in the ffiassacre, and with no gun, he was rohbed by the first Indians he met. Thinking himself the only survivor, an~ justifiably terrified of the Indians, he skirted the coast line, avoidins human contact. Whereas Smith an~ his men probably went up the coast along the beach, Black may have followed the deer and el~ trails along the timberline. According to most accounts, he finally gave up and, entering Rn Indian camp unexpectedly, threw himself upon t:-ic:ir rr,ercy. This may have l)een at t;·,e Till2rr.oo,( cc:..:.ip alons the Sa 1 r·o!, River, where it \las s i tu:=.ited aqa inst tl1e ir~,ros in~ base of Cascafc Head. Further south, and he may have been transportec nortl1 to t;1at µoint. Perh~rs the Indians assumed he was being pursued bJ S1;itl1 and, for that reason, Snith and Blac!z remainec ignorant of each other's having surviveJ. Or maybe Smith knew of Blac~ before arriving at Vancouver. The journal entries 1na~e hy McLeod t~at arc inclu~eci in the Appendix (as he led the first m::.c brir;ac1e c:o-v-n the coast i:r-1 182'1) c;emonstrate bot:i the magnitude of the trail being constructed, as well as t'.l.e seneral location, po?ulation, anct countenance of the local Indian populations. This journal, ~•1 hcr, co,,'.,i:1ec Hith t;1e Dicken (1978) book, ~odern USGS maps, and the first GLO surve1/S, is the information I usec to construct the ra~)S of Si '·,'s anc, Blac:~•s trails.
The June 2, 1826 "Rivt.:let corninn, out of a. La};:e" is the best clue thct
McLeod was not on the Tillamook River, hut had entered ~y way of th~
Big ~estucc~. That would ffiake the lake the current si~ht of a
Christian camp built upon an old town site called "Oinerna". The lake,
also callee \linema {its 3rd name this century), is so sr.1a 11 that it
doesn't appear on n~ost maps. A history of this area (which contains
no references to McLeou) has recently been written by a local resident
and printec to 500 copies .
• Part J. Crossing The Coast Range To Reach Fort Vancouver ************************* Suli'mary Siusla·.v River This drainage can be discounted by McLeod's conversations with Little Chief in 1826, and by reference to modern geographical considerations concernin<J steepness and brush. Alsea River Ta lhot Septe, ..ber, 18 4 9 quotes ( from Appendi)~) regarding the lack of a tr a i l II wit '.1 in 2 5 or 2 6 mi 1 es II of the Co as t . Ya~uina Bay-Siletz River 'l'al 1ct Au~·ust, 18"9 qt.:otes regc::rain~ tliP. initial construction of this trail in the early 1840's by Kilickitat In~ians. Also suotes from edr l y inhaui tant s in Septeriher, 1 f, 4 S rei:Jarc ing t!w fact t:-iat they hac'l never been to t:1e \;i l la1nettc Vcil ley. Reference to Fre:, 1 01.l-Gihbs-crr,ith nap, and sirr,ilarity to n,ocern routes. Also, Frost (1841) quotes regardins this trail, &nd Munforc surrnaries.
Strong possibility of Smith and/or Black use. Nestucca River Along with Yamhill gap, only other reasonable crossing point for Smith & Black. ~ill closely follow Manson's and McLeod's 1826 venture: Beginning near the town of Newburg, Township 3 South, Range 2 West, Section 18 or 19, t,cLeod had taken "four whites, three Iroquois and Abenakis, three O~yhees and three Natives of this place", several women, probably some children, three dozen horses, and traveled about 25 miles due west in a little over a week. The portion of this trip contained in Yanhill County extends from the eactern-most edge of Range 3 W. to the v'estern-most edge of Range 6 i•;. During the entire course, the route is alr.ost completely contained in tne north half of Tmmship 3 South ar.d continues nearly due \vest, no matter where precise locations are actually situated. McLeod's assertion that he hc1d reached t 11e "Ke 1 l:,r11oux River" has confused scholars for years. He had actually followed the Big IJestucca, so near as can be determined, which was populated by "Kellymoux" Indians. After locatin'] Winema Lal:e (3 miles south of thP Big Nestucca), where ~cLeod see~s to ~ave ca~ped on his trip along the Coast, I contacted Dorothy O. Johansen, who ~id ~uch of the rese~rch for the Davies boo~, and wrote its introJuctio~. Althoug~ she clai~ef that her trail location research had mostly taken place fror, her "arr1c>-iair", her cr•nclLsions see. rerar~ably accurate when checke~ on the ~round. The
route outline above, then, was the first trail constructed across the Coast Range of which I'm aware, and was quite probably used by one or more of the Umpgua Massacre survivors- none of whom was likely to pass this beaten track and continue north to Tillamook Bay, as has been often assumed in the past. Trask River Quotes regarding lack of trail as late as 1854.
PART 4. RETURN TO THE MASSACRE SITE After Smith arrived at Fort Vancouver, Dr. McLaughlin seemingly took every reasonable step that could be taken to aid him. On August 26 he sent Michel La Framboise, stepson Thomas McKay, and six other servants to the Umpqua to search for survivors and to recover the American's stolen property (Nunis, 1968: pg. 27). At the time of Black's appearance, McLaughlin had been preparing a hunting brigade of nearly forty men to trap the Umpqua region under the command of Ale/xander McLeod. When the extent of the Americans' problems became known he quickly altered the objectives of the September 6 expedition. According to George Simpson's November 17, 1828 report to London headquarters, McLaughlin directed McLeod to: pass with his party by the place where Mr. Smiths People were cut off to recover the stolen property if possible and to punish the Murderers if when he acquires further information on the subject he considers it expedient to do so (Merk, 1931:pg. 299). During the course of the expedition, McLeod kept two separate journals (from September 6 until October 17, and from October 17 until December 10), and both he and Smith corresponded by courier with McLaughlin, who remained at Fort Vancouver. A lightly-edited version of McLeod's account is included in the Appendix. This account, when coupled with the 1845 Fremont-Gibbs-Smith map, forms the most accurate record available of Black's and Smith's second journeys through Northwest Oregon. The quotes from the following summary. unless otherwise noted, are from McLeod's journals and letters.
The WillaDette Valley, September 6 to October 4, 1828 At four o'clock on a pleasant September 6 afternoon, McLeod left Fort Vancouver "in a Boat with Six Men having a Canoe in Company, both much incumbered with Baggage, the Boat so indifferent as to require a Man Constantly Employed baling out Water" and set his course for the Willamette River, where the men "fixed our Camp for the Night on the 1st Point of its entrance on the East shore" (present-day northwest Portland, Oregon). Although he states that "Mr. J. Smith accompanies us," it is unclear as to whether Smith shared the same leaky boat, or not. From their campsite at the mouth of the Willamette, the men left about 5:00 the following morning an4 arrived by boat at Willamette Falls around 4:00 in the afternoon. With help from the local Indians, baggage for the journey was carried over the 300 yard portage by dusk, where another boat had been left for their use. By 6:00 the next morning all of the baggage had been placed into the second boat and the men paddled to Champoeg, where they met up with Thomas McKay and Michel La Fra~boise, who haa just arrived from their assignment at the "Old Fort" (1) on the Umpqua. Some of Smith's property--a few skins and a horse--had been recovered hy La Frarnhoise and were i1nmediately given to s~ith at this time. The Indian interpretor accompanying La Frarnboise, Nasti, had taken a message to the Upper Umpqua Chief, St. Arnoose, who re~orte<lly seemed "still to value our support and seems exasµerated at the late action of the Keliwatset Indians who defeated r. Smiths Party." The Chief
also reported that "all the Property furs as well as other things is dispersed over the Country." Both McLeod and Smith sent letters to John McLoughlin with La Framboise as he returned to Vancouver. McLeod noted that from "La Framboises report Mr. Smiths case appears more gloomy than you anticipated or himself conjectured--he is in full possession of all information brought us on the Subject, and I believe writes you about it." Smith offered that "should you think it necessary for the benefit of your Company to punish these Indians you would confer a favour on your humble Servant to allow him and his Men to assist" (Morgan, 1964: pg. 275). McLeod's lengthy journal entry for the day (September 8) concluded with "of late the fire has committed such ravages that Scarcely any feeding is left for our Animals- Gave the Men their Regale-." On the 10th he observed that many of the men were "unable to do any job, from the effects of the Liquor." By the following cay, though, he was "glad to observe that little Liquor now remains in their possession." The combination of scattered horses--due to the burned range and Indian molestations--and drunken men (due to the traditional HBC Regale) had added at least two day's time to the preparations for departure. On the 12th "Mr. Smith shot a Small Deer, which happened very oportunely as we had no Venison," but departure was again delayed; tis tirne by heavy rains. 0!1 the 13th La Franboise returned to carrp with messages from McLaughlin concerning Smith's offers to aid in punishins the Kelawatsets and McLeod's obligations regarding the
recovery of Smith's property. McLaughlin's directions remained unchanged. Due to the continued stormy weather, McLeod did not leave camp until after noon on the 15th, when he proceeded ''with a Party, leaving others (including two of Smith's men) with Mr. McKay, to eandeavour and find the Strayed horses." It is impossible to tell whether either of these men was Black because McLeod rarely referred to any of "Smith's men'' by name. For this reason, and also because the routes of Smith and Black were virtually identical (except near the massacre site) for the rest of 1828, little effort will be made to separate their courses for the remainder of this report. McLeod's "route led Southward, [where] the Want of Grass, made us go till 9 P.M. when we reached a Small River where there is a little Picking for our Animals". His letter of September 18th to McLaughlin estimates that they had traveled ''not above" 15 miles, which would place them 4 or 5 miles northwesterly of present-day Silverton. If so, the "Small River'' would be either the Pudding or the Little Pudding. The pack trail they were following had been likely established by Finnan McDonald (accom~anied by McKay, McLeod and David Douglas) in 1825, and approximated--or improved--by Ogden in 1826. It is of some interest to review McLeod's letter to McLaughlin for his comments concerning John Turner, which are excerpted in the Appendix. For students of McLeod or McLaughlin, reference to the complete letter (Nunis, 1968: pp.11-12) provides some valuable clues regarding McLeod's early, and upopular, December return to Vancouver.
Because of bad weather, the party didn't move again until the 21st, when they traveled due south about 12 miles and crossed the "River Chembukte," which was possibly Mill Creek in, or near, present-day Salem. McLeod set up camp at "the little River, near half ways over the Point of high land," which would be along the same creek in (or near) the modern town of Turner . . In the Afternoon Gervais, D'Epatis, Louis & Jacques, Met us at our Camp, they bring us unfavourable accounts of the Umpqua Indians, it is the common report of other tribes, that the former are ill disposed towards us, having received large presents from the Kelewasets, who defeated Mr. Smiths People, are now resolved to support them, elated with their late success, they expect to make an easy capture of us, as soon as we enter their Country, it is said they are mustering Strong to way lay us in the woody parts of the Country, Pillage is their object unmindful of the ~onsequences, this is the substance of the report brought us by the free Men, and they got it from the Lamali [Long Tom Kalapuya] Indians who have visited the Umpguas. Althcugh the weather was much better on the 22nd, camp was moved only 8 miles, to "River Sandiam" (named after a local Kalapuyan Chief) "wher-e we encamped, the Water being Still high for our horses to ford the Channel, loaded, and the water falling fast, induc[ing] us to wait till to morrow." The decision proved to be a wise one, and the expecition was able to safely cross the followin~ morning and to contLnue 18 miles further south, where they camped on the north bank of "F.iver Coup'e" (Calapooia River), a few miles south and east of Corva-..llis. The 2_th was also fine weather, and the men traveled southwest another 12 m:.:..les, ·where they crossed the Willamette in "Knee deep Water" a few mile.~ easterly of Monroe. Here, three loaded horses were startled by some younger, unbroken members of the herd, which cause them to rush intc ~eeper water. Two of the horses drowned and were swept
3J downstream. Camp was then made on the west bank and efforts were undertaken to locate the packs of the missing animals, as they contained valuable traps and lead. Local Indians were encouraged to aid in the search, and provided the use of their canoes. The following day an Indian (possibly a Hudson's Bay servant) was able to locate 19 of the 20 missing traps, and claimed a blanket and an ax as remuneration. Efforts to locate the lead proved unsuccessful, even though McLeod directed his men to continue the search for a second full day. On the 26th Smith left camp on a hunting excursion, returning the next day with a deer to help feed the searchers. It is interesting to speculate what he might have thought of the whole procedure. On Sunday, the 28th, the local Indians demanded the return of their canoes so that they could "go in Quest of their food.'' At this point McLeod became so desperate to find the missing lead that he had the men divide into 3 separate crews and construct 3 canoes to aid in the search. Finally, after 8 days of fruitless searching by the 42 men, several passing freemen, and dozens of local Indians, McLeod made the decision to proceed. On October 1 the expedition traveled south and southwest on the western bank of the Long Tom River, along a route pioneered by McLeod almost exactly 2 years previous (October 1-8, 1826). After moving about 15 miles, the men "forded the River and Encamped on the East Shore.'' The following day they traveled 9 miles south along the eastern banks of the same river, the brigade of over 40 armed men and
dozens of horses making such a "forcible impression" on the local Indians that they hid themselves in the woods. After traveling another 15 miles on October 3, the expedition entered the headwaters of the Siuslaw near present-day Lorane. From there they apparently followed the basic route of today's "Territorial Road" through Anlauf, arriving on "a fine Plain" near the town of Drain. Camp was established along Elk Creek October 5, in an area previously used by McLeod. The Umpqua River, October 5 to October 28, 1828 Despite the rumors of Indian hostilities brought by the freemen on September 21st, brigade members had not seen any Indians since entering the "woody parts of the Country'' on October 3. This area, "the Elk Mountains," was usually heavily populated with Kalapuyans on the north and with Upper Umpquas on the south. Finally, on October 7, some "vestiges of a late date," thought to be left by Indian spies, were noted near the Drain camp. Gerald Bacon, a 68-year-old lifelong resident and rancher in Douglas County, believes that this ca~p was probably located just west of Drain in an area now called Putnam Valley. Both his great-grandfather and his great-great grandfather had settled in the Umpgua Valley; the fjrst arriving in 1851 over the Applegate Trail. In talking with his older relatives and with other local residents, he has ueter~ined that P1...tnam Valley (previously known as "Tin Pot") used to be a 1000-2000 acre plain that was well-known and used by stockmen travelina south
from the Willamette Valley in the nineteenth century. This location fits in very well with McLeod's journal entries. On the 8th McLeod received word that the Upper Umpquas had assembled near the Old Establishment with their Chief, St. Arnoose. They were also said to possess horses belonging to Smith; apparently the "large presents" given to buy their support by the Kelawatsets. The brigade moved 18 miles south on the same day and set up camp along a branch of the Umpqua coming in from the northeast. According to Bacon, they probably traveled from Drain to Rice Hill along the route of Highway 99, and from Rice Hill to Pollock Creek along Goodrich Highway. This also corresponds closely to the journal entries. On October 9th the expedition traveled another 11 miles and camped near the site of the Old Establishment, at the mouth of Calapooia Creek. On the following day they sent word to St. Arnoose to meet with them, and also heard a rumor that four of Smith's men were being held captive by the Coos Indians on the Coast. These men would not have been survivors of the massacre, however, but would have been men that had separatec from Smith before he left California. A very strong indication of McLeod's trust in St. Arnoose is his statement that "if the Old Chief confirms the report [it] will remove my doubts on the Subject." Most Indians were not to be trusted--far fewer could be taken literally. On October 11 and 12, St. Arnoose met with McLeod and discussed with him the causes of the massacre. The Old Chief's detailed account was subsequently corroborated by both Smith and Black, as outlined in the first part of this narrative. This remarkable conversation is both
the best existing indication of St. Arnoose's veracity and perceptiveness, as well as the most accurate record available of the circumstances that immediately preceeded the murder of Smith's men. Although St. Arnoose couldn't substantiate the rumor regarding the Coos captives, he did agree to aid McLeod in the recovery of Smith's property. On the 12th he departed with one of the HBC servants, and on the following day he returned with 10 more horses. When McLeod gave him several articles in payment for his services, he immediately distributed them in an equitable manner to members of his tribe. Without being asked, he then offered to accompany the expedition to the Coast to further assist in the recovery of the stolen property. At McLeod's request, he also agreed to return on the 16th with six canoes, to be rented to the brigade for a total of 3 axes. A day after the Old Chief's return--October 17--McLeod, La Framboise, Smith, one of Smith's men (Black is a good possibility, as he had close personal ties to Smith), and 16 servants departed for the Coast. McKay remained behind with the others to tend the camp and remaining horses. A local Indian was put in control of each canoe under the direction of St Arnoose, while McLeod took charge of the pack train that would return with Smith's property. Due to his proven abilities as a hunter and as a horsemen, it is likely that Smith accompanied McLeod, rather than traveled by canoe. That cay the animals gained about 15 ntiles, probably passing to the west of Tyee Mountain, which was four miles north of the Old Fort. On the 18th the men traveled another 12 miles to the west, following the banks of the Umpqua in many stretches. The following day, making
8 miles on a northwesterly course, they encountered the carcasses of several of Smith's horses. St. Arnoose confirmed that they had been killed and eaten by Indians, having been personally involved in the process. On Monday, October 20, the brigade made another 15 miles, passing the location of present-day Elkton, which had been used as a trading site by McLeod in the past. The next day they reached the "termination of the Open Country," and came within 1 1/2 miles of a well-populated village. St. Arnoose went ahead of the main party in order to request the return of Smith's property that was located there. In the next 2 days 588 beaver skins, 47 otter skins, several firearms, books, pencils, medecines, and 1/2 dozen pencils with paper were returned. Also, some "Charts," which are not further identified. Perhaps these were a partial basis for the missing Smith maps used by HBC, Wilkes, and others. The following three days were used to pack the recovered materials and send them back to the Old Establishment. "One of Mr. Smiths Men" accompanied the returning pack animals, so at that point Smith was left entirely in the company of HBC personnel, Upper Umpqua tribesmen, and the individuals that had butchered his employees only 15 weeks before. On the 27th, the remaining 16 members of the party (exactly the same number that had been attacked by the Kelawatsets) proceeded downstream in 3 canoes and positioned themselves across the river from the "Second Village," where they recovered a few more articles. On October 28 the brigade:
Stoped at the entrance of the North Branch, where Mr. Smiths Party were destroyed, and a Sad Spectacle of Indian barbarity presented itself to out View, the Skeletons of eleven of those Miserabl Sufferers lying bleaching in the Sun, after paying the last Service to their remains we continued forward and made the Coast, no Indians in the Vicinity, contrary to their former Custom as several Villages used to be about this place ... (1) In the past, there has been some contention as to the date of establishment and to the location of the "Old Fort" on the Umpqua. General consensus now places it at the mouth of Calapooia Creek, 7 or 8 miles southeast of Sutherlin, and a Douglas County Park has been created at that spot. It is also referred to as the "Old Establishment," and as "Old Fort Umpqua," in other parts of McLeod's records. It may have been established as early as 1819 by Thomas McKay while he was employed by the North West Company--predecessor to the Hudson's Bay Company in western Oregon. The Gibbs-Burr Map, in fact, refers to the location as "Ft. McKay," a depicts it as the southern-most point of Smith's travels in the Umpqua Valley.
Part 5. From The Massacre Site To Fort Vancouver **************** Summary ############### Part 5. is, essentially, a continuation of Part 4. After returning to Vancouver, Smith apparently constructed a map of his travels for McLaughlin, Ogden, and McLeod. Information that Smith provided the HBC caused them to immediately begin planning trips to northern California--the HBC's first purposeful trespass on Mexican soil. Although this map has never been discovered, it was apparently referred to by several American visitors to Vancouver, including Wilkes in 1841, and Gibbs, in 1851. Shortly thereafter, it was misplaced. Geo. Gibbs (1851), writing about previous confusion regarding the location and names of the Rogue and Klamath Rivers: The (1831) manuscript map of Oregon and California, by Jedediah S. Smith, which was till lately the best source of information as to this part of the country, [is] in general sigularly accurate, considering the extent of the region traversed' ... (Davies, K.G., 1961: pg. lxv)
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ZYBACH TIMBERLAND MANAGEMENT
WILLAMETTE REGION IVER DRAINAGES
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(503) 26>-60S9 © 1984 Appendix)( B· Geo')raphical Abbreviations Table 1. Oregon Coast Range River Drainage Abbreviations (with ~ajor 1828 populations). 1828 Tribe Languac_:;e 19R7 County ~ap Map, AL Alsea Alsea Yakonan Lincoln 08 CK Clats%anie- Clatskanie Athap2sc2;-i Colunbia co 01 CQ Coquille Lov:er Coquille Kusan Coos UQ 07 cs Coos Coos Kusan Coos UQ 06 LC Lewis & Clark Clatsop Chinookan Clatsop co 03 Lr Luckiamute Luckiamute Kalapuyan Polk vH 10 LT Long Torr. Longtonguebuff Kalapuyan Lane UQ 10 t-1C Millicor.a Hanis Coos Kusan Coos UQ 05 MH Mu1 tnor,1ah Multnomah Chinookan Multnomah rn-1 13 MY Mar}s ChepP.nafa Kalapuyas Benton WM 09 NC NPcaniC,'f'1 Tillarr.ook Ti l lar11ook Clatsop co 04 :H Nehaler Nehalem Tilla OOY. ':'i l la:-nool' co 05 lS estuccci NestUCCCJ Tille ook Ti l lar.--:ook Wf\j 03 SJ\ Salo-on ~Jechesne Ti 1 lc:..r~ook Lincoln WM 05 SC Siltcons Si sJ av-' Si us l c•wan Dou<1lc1s UQ 03 S;ni t:·, Ke l ,n..-- ~ts e l Sius1a,,.'a1: DowJ las UQ 04 ss Siuslav.' Sius lav, Siusla\Jan Lone UQ 02 sz Siletz Siletz Ti 1 1 arr o o l':. Lincoln w; 06 TH Three Nestucca Tillar.ool< Ti 1 l a'ltoo:-. \•;1.1 04 TL Tualatin Tualati Kala:::)Uyan i,Jashington 12 Tf,j Ti l laP1ool: Til lar,1ook Tillanoo, Ti 1 L:imoo;: \,J!-J 02 UQ Un,pqua Lm1er Urnpqua Siuslawan Douglas UQ 08 w:i v7illanette Calapooia Kalapuyan Lane UQ 09 \•lS Wi]son Tillamook Ti l larnoo!( Tillamoo): \vl-i 01 YC Yachc1ts Alsea Yakonan Lincoln UQ 01 YG Ycunc;s Clc.tsor Chinoo!:an Clatsop co 02 YH Yar:hill Ya r,e 1 1 Ka 1 c!JU"'cH: Yamhill wr-: 11 YQ Y2.quina Y?cona Yakonan Lincoln 07 Tahle 2. Other Locations. Abbv. Location Abbv. Coast Range Region ~ap EOR Eastern Orec::,on CO Colur~ia Region E'tiA £~stern \.'2st--1ington WM \-Jillar:AttP Rccicn IDA Ide.ho UQ Ur•;,qca Reg i Oil :cA J'orthern California .r-t'T Rec:::.' iiot·ntair.s S~,O Soutlr.-.L?Stern Orec_:;O1: W\•,A ·.:cs tern ·~;ash ir1~:ton
Tab le 3. Rivers and Landr,1arl:s Columbia Region Map Drainage Aubv. County Landmark #1 Landmark #2 Map# Lewis & Clark LC Clatsop Saddle Mountain Pacific Ocean co 03 Necanicurr. NC Clatsop Neahkanie Pacific Ocean co 04 Nehalem rn Tillamook Pacific Ocean Pinochle Peak co 05 Clatskani CK Columbia Columbia River Tuality Mts. co 01 Yot:.ngs YG Clatsop Columbia River Wickiur Mt. co 02 Willamette Region Map Drainage Abbv. County Landmark #1 Landmark #2 Map# Wilson ws Tillamook Twin Rocks Pacific Ocean WM 01 Tillamook TM Tillamook Pasturage Pacific Ocean WN 02 Nestucca NS Tillamook Pacific Ocean Bald Mountain WM 03 Three TH Tillamook Mount Hebo Pacific Ocean WM 04 Sal rr,on SA Lincoln Cascade Head Devils Lake WM 05 Siletz sz Lincoln Cape Foulweather Siletz Gorge WM 06 Ya()uina YQ Lincoln Yaquina Heac Baber Mountain W1 07 Alsea AL Lincoln Table Mountain Pacific Ocea,. l'l~l oe Marys MY Benton t•:a rys Peak Will~~ette R. WU 09 Luc!· iainute LK Polk Ap1->legate Trail Salt Creek PM 10 Yamhill YH Yamhill Yair1hill Gap Erratic Rock WM 11 Tualatin TL i.-:ashington Tuality Plains Hagg Lake WM 12 Multnomah MH Multnomah Sauvies Island Columbia River WM 13 Ur-;pqua Reg ion f.jap Drainage Abbv. County Landmark #1 Land!'1ark #2 Map# Yachats YC Lincoln K 1 i c ~it at t . ~-1 Pacific Ocean UQ 01 Siuslaw ss Lane Dunes Sea Lion Caves UQ 02 Siltcoos SC Douglas Dunes Pacific Ocean UQ 03 Srr.ith sr-: Douglas tlassacrc Site Roman Nose UQ 04 Millicor:ia r:c Coos DunAS Myrtle Grove UQ C: Coos cs Coos Cape Arc:iqo South Slough UQ Ofi Coquille CQ Coos Seven Devils Pacific Ocean UQ 07 Umpqua UQ DolH;las Dunes Elk Creek UQ OR Willamette WM Lane Elk Mountain Calapooyas UQ 0~ Long Tom LT Lane Spencer Butte Fernridge UQ 10
Table 4. Modern Townsand Highways CLO.St& 'f 1C)c.JN) __ ---■- O .~ "B> '/ - IL ## County #1 County #2 Town #1~ Town #2~ Hwy~y #2 MY NC YG ;~~~~~--=- LC Clatsor: M '-- ~~ r,~~), 111 LA..f1" 1 ~~~~~~~--- Corvallis illaside nnon Beach toria -) ~,"fi~f;~PS iJarrenton Necanicum Olney ~:~~;~- H11y Hrl tHwy 101} Hwy 2 6'\ 1wy 101 Hwy 2 fl J ➔ wy 30 Hwy 100 I CK . Helens. Clatskanie Hwy 30 Hwy 4 7"'j!_ MC Coos Douglas North Bend-..;., Lakeside --~~ Hwy 101 Hwy 38 CS - Douglas Coos Bay ---Y Char 1 es ton ~ Hwy 101 Hwy 42 CQ -Douglas Coquille~ Bandon ~ Hwy 42 Hwy 101 SC Douglas Lane Siltcoos Dunes City Hwy 101 H\·1y 38 S Lane Gardiner Wooley Hwy 37 Hwy 101 UQ Roseburg Reedsport I-5 Hwy 38 SS Lane Douglas Florence Mapleton Hwy 101 Hwy 126 WM Douglas Cottage Grove Creswell I-5 Hwy 99 LT Benton Eugene Monroe Hwy 99 Hwy 126 YC Lincoln Lane Yachats Tenmile Hwy 101 Hv;y 3 4 SA Tillamoo~ Lincoln City Otis Hwy 18 Hwy 101 SZ Benton Siletz Depoe Bay Hwy 101 Hwy 229 YQ Benton Ne\'port Tolec.o HwJ 20 Hwy 101 AL Benton Alsea Nald~ort Hwy 34 Hwy 101 r-;H r-:ul tnorr.ah Clark Portland Vancouver I-205 I-5 LK Polk Benton Monir.outh Falls City Hwy 99 Hv:y 22 NII Tillar.iook Coluir.bia ~anzanita Vernonia Hwy 101 Hwy 26 ~s Washington Garibaldi Bay City Hwy 6 H\·:y 101 TM Washington Tillamook Pleasant Valley Hwy 101 IJt.11 6 NS Yamhill Pacific City Beaver Hwy 101 H\•.'Y 2 Tll Yamhill Neskowin Oretown Hvy 101 Hwy 72 TL Washington Multnomah Forest Grove Hillsboro Hwy 26 Hwy 47 YH Yamhill Pol~ McMinville Newburg Hwy 99 llwv J f;
Appendix B: Biographical Summaries and References Arthur Black (Maloney, 1940: p.322) (Camp, 1966: pp.79-80) (Morgan, 1964: p.440) Wi 11 iam Cannon Michel La Framboise (Hafen, 1968: vol. V, pp.145-70) Richard Leland (Maloney, 1940: p.321) Little Chief (Davies: 171 & 184) (Davies, K. G., 1961: p. 171) (Davies, K. G., 1961: p. 184) Thomas McKay (Hafen, 1968: vol. VI, pp.259-77) Alexander Roderick McLeod (Hafen, 1968: vol. VI, pp.279-97) John McLaughlin (Hafen, 1968: vol. VIII, pp.235-45) Peter Skene Ogden (Hafen, 1968: vol. III, pp.213-38) Jedediah Strong Smith (Hafen, 1968: vol. VIII, pp.331-48) St. Arnoose (Old Chief) (Douglas, 1959: pp.224-28) (Work, 1923: ?-259) (Davies, K. G., 1961: pp. 183-87) John Turner (Stewart, 1960: p.75) (Maloney, 1940: p.322) (Wilkes, 1845: p.230)
Robert Haswell: October 4 to Octo)Jer 16, 1788 Monday October 4, 1788 .... These people ~ere in a canoe of a most singular shape it was hued from a tree of vast bulk it was very wide and carried its bridth nearly equell fore & aft . the r.,ost clumsy shape in the world ... the~, v,ere cloathed chiefly in deerskins and they were ornenented with beads of European manufactor. I am apt to think they have sor,1etimes intercorse with the Spaniards at Monteray which is but three or four degrees to the Southward of them. [NCA] Tuesday October 5, 178P. . . this Countrey rmst be thic\ly inhabited by the many fiers that we saw in the night and culloms of srnoak we would see in the day time but I think t~ey can derive but little of there subsistance fror the sea but to compenciate for this the land was beautyfully diversified with forists and green ver~ent launs whicl1 must give shelter 2nd forase to vast numbers of wild beastc ... I was in Lat'd 42c 3' N the Variation 13050' E't. [Oreaon ar,C:: Califorr1ia horder] Wednesday October n, 1 788. . the peorle v1ere very ancious to cowe onboard they paddled after us an amazing distance .. . but we had at this time a good wind and pleasn't weather .. . appeared a de 1 ightful cour1trey thickly inhabited and C loathed with woods and verdure with maney charming streems of water gushing from the vallies nost of the inhabitance as ~c passe~ there scatered houses fled into the woods while others ran alon~ shore with great swiftness keeping abrest of us maney miles Cape Men6ocin [Elliot thought Blanco] bore North distant about 5 lea~ues ... [SWO] Thursday October 7, 1785. . we passed a bared inlett where there appeared not to be suffisent water for our vessell .. in Lat'd 44020' No and Lon'd 1220 0'W froffi Greenwich . vast numbers of the natives they appeared to be a very hostile and warli~e people they ran along shore waving white skins these are skins of moose deer ... not penetrable by arrows ... the~· would some times make fast there bows and quivers of arrows to there spears of considerable length and shake ther, at us with an air of defyence every jesture they accompaneyed with hideous shouting . [Alsea Bay: AL] Friday October 9, 178R ... at 11 ~~there came alonssifc tv 0 Indians 1 in a sriall canoe very dj fferently forr,ec'I fro .. those> r,,e hac; seen to the southuarcl it 1.\·as v2r • sharp at tlic~ heac an~~ stern and Extremely well built to padJle fast ... we made th~r, unlerstand that skins ~as t~e articles we ~ost wante~ ...
$3
there Language was entierly different from those we had first
fell in with ... in Lat'd 450 0' No. [Salmon River: SM]
Sunday October 10, 1788 .... there came alongside two
Indian Canoes the one contaning two and the other 6 People among
them were our yesterdays friends they brought \1ith them several
sea otter skins and one of the best peces I ever saw .
. they hac both Iron and stone knives which they allways kept
in there hands upliftec in readiness to strike. two or three
of our visitors were much pitted with the s~all pox .
. . . I observed in Lat'd 450 2' No. [Salrron River: Sr-':]
Monday October 11, 1788. .Latitude 440 58' No.
[SM]
Tuesday October 12, 1788 .... at 3 PM we came to anchor
within half a mile of the shore hoisted the long boat and went to
a small inlett where there was not suffishant water for the Sloop
to enter we took of two loads of wood and then hove up and came
to sail with the wind favourable we saw ~1ile the boat was
onshore one of the Natives who were of on Sunday last, the place
had been inhabited but was deserted no douht as late as when they
saw the boat coming onshore. " [SM?: Lincoln County? First
known landing of Americans - or whites - in Oregon]
Wednesday October 13, 1788. . at Noon I observed in
Latitude 450 56'8 N. [Tillamook Head: LC or NC]
Thursday October 14, 1788. . in the Anchoring place I
observed my Lat'd to be 450 27' N and Longi'd 1220 19' W the
variation by Azmith WilS 140 26' E't . [TM]
Friday October 15, 1708. . but they allways kept
thenselves armed and never ventured nigh us but ~ith there knives
in there han~s uplifted rcddj to strike this we i~putee to there
beinri such total strai;-isers to Europeans. [n:]
Saturday October lG, 1788. . while our boat was loaded
with grass and shrubs for our stoc we took all the people in the
Boat who were affected by the scurvy our number in all amounted
to seven the disposition of the people seemed so friendly we went
worse armed than ordinary we hild two Muskets and three or four
Cutlasses ,,e boath too our sh·oarcs ana each of us a pistol on our
first landing we vicated t~ere Houses and such vietles as they
eate thernselves they offered to us bu thev are so intolerably
filthey there was nothins we could stumac except the frute.
They then ar11used us shtc:•-.ins there de,•ter i ty with there arrows am:
sears they then began a war ance it was long and ~ndious
accornraneyed with fri9htf~ll howlings indee{ there ~as somethin9
nore ~orrid in there sorg and the jestures which acco panied it
than I am capable of descibing it chilled ye blud in my vains ..
. in hor,es to find some clans v.·hiJe we were digsing for these shell fish a young Black man Markus Lopeus a native of the cape de Verd Islands and who had shiped Captain Grays servant at St. Jago's being employed careing grass down to the boat, had carelessly stuck his cutlas in the sand one of the natives seeing this took a favourable oppertunity to snatch it at first unobserved and run off with it ... 'Twas the hollowing of our people that first roused our attention and we imr,ediately flew to know the cause, we were informed of the sercunstances adding that the Black boy had followed him in spite of everything they could say to the contorary. I was struck by the daingerous situation the ladd was in . ordering the boat to keep abrest of us we ran toward the village we mett several chiefs persons whose friendship we had taken every oppertunity to obtain by kinde youseage and liberal preasants ... Mr. Coolidge offered several articles to them of great value to bring the man back unhurt, this they refused. I now remarked to Mr. Coolidge that all the natives we saw were unusually well armed having with them there bows and arrows & spears however we proceeded still further and on turning a clump of trees that obstructed our prospet the first thing which presented itself to our view was a very large groop of the natives among the midst of which was the poor black with the thief by the colour loudly calling for assistance saying he had caught the thief, when we were observed by the main boddy of the Natives to haistily approach them they instantly drenched there knives and spears with savage fuery in the boddy of the unfortunate youth ... [TM]
1826 Hunting Trip Between The Nestucca and The Siuslaw Rivers Alexander R. McLeod: June 2 to August 10, 1826 Friday June 2, 1826. . Beaver being the object of our researches and La framb~ise knowing a place to the North of us where he saw many vestiges in the winter which gives him hopes of success, I directed him to proceed thither with the six ablest men of the party and to use every exertion to obtain Beaver, while I would go with the remainder of the Party and heavy Bagage, in the opposite direction, there not being employment for all hands ... early in the morning Laframboise and party crossed their Horses 14 in number over the River, and we disburthened ourselves of some heavy articles and 7 horses which we have here in charge of an Old Indian at Laframboise recommendation and promised a proportionable reward for his services this settled we parted and shaped our Course along the Coast to the Southward t\-10 or three miles anct put up for the night nigh a Rivelet coming out of a Lake ... Country as far as we can see in the direction we are goin9 is hilly and excepl a short oistance covered with thick woods to the Beach. [NS] Saturday June 3, 1826. . continued our progress along the Beach for about 3 miles and caMe to a River about a hundred and fifty yards wide ... we took measures to obtain a Canoe to ferry over ~aggage we got a promise of one from an Indian said to be the principal individual inhabiting this Stream, seemingly his fol lowers are few and scattered along the Coast in sn al 1 detached 1 Parties. [TH] Sunday June 4, 1826 .... by ten A.M. we got over the River and went about the same distance as ~esterrlay and encanped by the side of a River ... a treat was made to get the loan of a Canoe, but without success, tt1ese people are poorly provided with Craft and no wood fit for the purpose can be found in this vicinity nothing but dwarf Trees covers the Banks bordering on the Coast. [TH] 1onday June 5, 1826. . in course of the Day several Inoiar.s visited us and after staying some time returned to their habi t&tions they appear very i'.)eccea~,ly uisposed. . . [TH] Tuesday June 6, 1876. .~e have the road to cut throuc~ very thick uoods for so~e ~ist&nce forward ... the description of the Country as statec, hy -::he Inclians proves ver~ incorrect . . sowe InJians from the neYt Village aheaf of us c~me to us and report they hacl a visit from Depatey the Freeman, who came dovn the Um:x:rua River, on a Trading and hunting excursion, find in'} no
5, encouragment he made but a short stay and traced back his steps. [TH) Thursday June 8, 1826. . . four miles over a very hilly Country, had to cut our way through as we went forward, tho' lightly loaded our horses were 1riuch fagged, some of our late visitors proved serviceable and voluntarily assisted. [TH) Friday June 9, 1826. . having to cut our way through a difficult pass, it was midday when that Job was accomplished anf fairly in motion, after going about a mile and a half we encaffiped ... treated the Indians in our company to a small share of our late hunt which was very exceptable. [SM) Saturday June 10, 1826 .... some Indians visited us more to get a bit of meat than for any other reason they are poor and miserable fellows. [Stv}) Sunday June 11, 18 2 6. . . . We have got through a rough piece of Country within these few days, being situation in the vicinity of an Indian habituation, we were visited by the owners . . . [SM) ~~onday June 12, 1826. . . . late in the evening Indians arrived from the next Village on our route, curiosity brought them to see us, being the first Europeans their eyes ever beheld - we endeavoured but in vain to get two sea otter skins that an Indian has, they have no other Furs in their possession. [SM) Tuesday June 13, 1826 .... the roughness of the road makes it too labourous a task for our Small Party to proceec . Indians come regularly to us ... but as yet we have seen none of the Leading Characters to whom the others refer . [S,1) Wednesday June 14, 1826. . . . e had further discussion with tie Indians on the subject of Canoes ... indeed our defective means of co1r,municating our Ideas is much aqainst us anc: occasions much delay and disappointment - hopes exist that we v:ill o:>tain a. couple of Crafts, at the first river, we come to, fro~ Indians stationed there it being the residence of a Chief of some influence confirms the opinion that we will succeed. [SM] Wednesday June 15, 1826. . proceeded about five miles. Chiefly on a sandy Beach at the first point we came to, erected our Camp, it being well stocked with Grass, and famed among the Indians as a resort for Deer, e):actly ans\:erecl our purpose, as it affor6ed us an oppertunity of ma. ing a trial for Beaver in a Small Lilke within the immediate Vicinity of the place where Indians have ~uccessively faild in their attenpts to ]~ill them . . . aE intelli0ence of us is one forward to the Chief whose Village is not far off we are led to anticipate a formal visit from hir., to rr.orrow. [SMJ
51 Friday June 16, 1826 .... Chief of the first Village before us with twenty of his attendants came to our Camp, after the Pipe went briskly round for some time and that they had partaken of some victuals we gave them, the Leader gave us an instance of his influence, by dispatching his attendants immediately at the word of Command he himself remained with others that were here before us ... the Chief gave us to understand that he had a sizable Canoe at our service while we were settling these matters the remainder of our Party hove in sight which stopd further discussion ... La frambroise and party have had no success six Beaver is all they got, where he led us to anticipate an abuncant hunt which evidently proves his erroneous judgement - such indians as we have had intercourse with invariably represent their Country as poor and unproductive, and their wretched appearance confirms their assertions . [SM] Saturday June 17, 1826. . La frambroise went to the Indians habitations to examine the Canoes intended for our future progress, which are of the largest size, these Indians possess - still rather defficient for our purpose ... more over the unanimous opinion of the Indians does not tend to favour the project, for the• positively assure us the impractibility of proceeding with canoes any distance that they themselves never dared to atteffipt beyond a river this side of the Umpqua and add, that it is much safer by Land the route they generally make choise of the greatest difficulty we have to surmount with our horses is a point we see ahead of us about 18 or 20 miles from hence, after which, we are told that the beach is fine and free £row. Rocks ... prudence would dictate to continue by Land. [SM] Sunday June 18, 1826. . reach'd the River above alluded to (called by the Indians Econne) a~d erected our Camp on the south Shore, at the low tide the Horses had no difficulty to swim over - this River is very shallow tho about 1500 yards broad - having obtained encouragement to seek up and in the neighborhood of this river, for Beaver, we accordingly bespoke Canoes which the Indians promised to bring us early to morrow two small Deer were killed to Day one entirley white. [YQ] Monday June 19, 1826 .... the people are dispersed in different directions so as not to annoy each other, having no causP to appr hend the Natives, admits of the men having more scope, for Trapping ... seemingly the Natives possess but few shellfish and so1ne Ras~erries they also brought us and obtained trifles in return. [YQ] Tuesday Ju~~ 20, 1826 .... we had several visits fron Indians up this River attended with nothing of importance . [YQ]
Friday June 23, 1826. . .. In the afternoon two canoes containing four & Twentyindians of both sexes arrived from the Killimoux Village. [YQ] Saturday June 24, 1826. . P. Charles with an Indian started for the Killimoux Village to bring some Traps we left en Passant . . . [YQ] Monday June 26, 1826. . .. A Party of Indians arrived fro the southward where they have been on a visit they gave us no news of consequence further than confirming what we have often heard, that there is Beaver in that direction. [YQ] Tuesday June 27, 1826. ... the arrivals of yesterday took leave of us. [YQ] Wednesday June 28, 1826. ... the horses were happled ready for the morrow to move . [YQ] Thursday June 29, 1826. . .. continued the usual route by following the Beach about 6 miles and encamped on the banks of a Small River in which a good many Beaver have been caught ... a few Skins were Traded from the natives ... to disencumber ourselves of unnecessary articles we pack'd them up in a case and left them in charge of the Chief of the Village also a bag of corn as a precautionary measure against our return. [AL] Friday June 30, 1826 .... Some Traps missing they are i~ quest of them an old Indian was accused by one of the Men of having stolen his Traps but the loss was soon cleared up to the Satisfaction of both parties and the suspicion proved to be ill founded I availed myself of the oppertunity anc acqauinted the accuser Jeaudoin to be more cautious in future and not attach blame without sure grounds of complaint and in any debate with the Natives not to allow their passion predominate over their Judge~ent so as to avoid unnecessary difficulties thus might arise and not to proceed to violence without my being previously acquainted with the circurestances and concluded by observing that they should appeal to me and say nothing to the Indians ... [AL] Saturdav July 1, 1826 .... Traded four Beavers frorn a Party of Indians that came fromthe first River ahead of us ... [AL] Tuesday July 4, 1826. . three Beavers seen swinming in the River Nackito on whose we are encamped P. Charles Jeaudoin & Joyalle departed for the purpose of Trapping in the next River, call'd by the Jatives Alciyeh about six miles distance from hence . . . [AL] Thursday July 6, 1826. . sent one of our Indians up River Econne to obtain intelligence of seven of our party
employed Trapping about the source of said Stream Indian visitors . . . [AL] Friday July 7, 1826. . the sight of fresh Venison attracted the attention of several Indians who had apid us a visit and having obtained a tasting t~ereof they speedily departed. [AL] Saturday July 8, 1826 .... the knowledge we now possess of the Country Justify's the Plan of Continuing our further progress by means of horses, otherwise many tributary Streams that contain Beaver would be passed unnoticed were we to proceed by water therefore I have abandoned the Idea of Canoes, besides we have not time to penetrate any distance as the period for our return is drawing near . [AL] Sunday July 9, 1826 .... P. Charles and Joyalle arrived having been up River Alciyeh as far as it was navigable no sign of much Beaver ... the Indian we sent four days ago up River Econni returned today with Diel- . [AL] Monday July 10, 1826. . made the necessary preparations to rise Camp to morrow having the Old Chief about us we again intrusted him with the charge of more of our effects, so as to dis~urthen ourselves for our future movements which otherwise would be much impeded nothing more can be done about here. the six men that were Trapping up River Econni cast up after an absence of twelve days in which time they only caught Twenty four Beavers poor prospects for a new Country that was seldom if ever hunted . [AL] Tuesday July 11..!._1826. . proceeded most part of the day on the Beach, past River Aleiyieh which made us loose much time to procure Canoes this River is about the breadth of the last one we past. Encamp'd at the foot of a very high point which from appearances, does not see~ practible for horses and the interiour as far as we could see is no better, we have therefore resolved on examining the Country before we venture farther with Horses and Indians who was with Jeaudoin trapping joined us to Day ill luc,x ade him return, the other having better chance remains for the night and likely will come to morrow he is now in our Rear up a Small River past Two Indian Camps thinly inhabited. [YC] Wednesday JulJ 12, 1826. . .. a few men remained to guard the Camp while the others went to seek a route to pass our horses, I accompanied them an<l witnessed the impractibiley of such a measure being carried into effect with any prospects of safty unless a passage can be found through the interior, our progress with horses must ter~inate here had we time to spare no doubt exists of finfing a pass across this mountainous piece of Country as it does not exceed 9 miles in the direction we are going afterwards a sandy Beach continues as far as the Indians about us are acsuainted we interrogated many Indians on the subject of tie interiour Country but seemingly their knowledge of
it is very limited or else they wish to leave us to conjecture for we could not obtain any information of any consequence ... [YC] Thursday July 13, 1826 .... La frambroise with a Party of men went to River Econni for two Canoes with which they returned in the evening from Indians within the vicinity of our Camp we have had a promise of a third, which will enable us to proceed forward by water leaving our horses hereabouts a place very appropriate for the purpose ... Traded the value of a Plus from Indian passants. [YC] Friday July 14, 1626 .... it is all a lottery- for no certainty appears of success, and the whole party cannot find employment to any advantage so we have no alternative but to divide ourselves into as many Parties as circumstances and our own safty will warrant as the only plan favourable to our persuit Every pre[p]aration is made to avail ourselves of the first Calm day to proceed. [YC] [July 15th through August 10th still require transcription.]
Nestucca River Route Between Fort Vancouver and The Oregon Coast Donald t-anson: May 5 to May 16, 1826. Alexander McLeod's first independent assignment after being delegated to the Columbia District was to establish a commercial trade route to the Oregon Coast. ~hile McLeod traveled to Walla Walla to obtain sufficient horses to complete the enterprise, Donald Manson was given the job of preparing the brigade for departure. This seems to be the first instance of a significant number of horses being assembled on the west side of the Willamette and, as such, constitutes the first instance of a pack trail estahlishmen in that region. Friday May 5, 1~26 ... I took my departure about 4 P.M. in a Boat with the property, accompanied by the Interpretor, 5 Servants and three Indians, one of these brought by Michel [La Framboise] the Interpretor on his voyage to the South last winter and who is now on his way to rejoin his friends, my Instructions are to proceed to the Falls of the Wallamatte and there a¼ait Mr. McLeod, in the mAan ti~~ making every necessary preparation in my power prior to his arrival with the Horses, in consequence of the rain was obliged to put ashore at the entrance of the Wallarnatte at 6 P.M. ~1ere we enc~mpcd for the night. (ri, ) Saturday May 6, 1826 ... the water appears high but the current is not Strong Seals are nu~erous in t~is River hut so very shy that we cannot approach theffi, from the nu~ber there are of them I am inclined to believe fish are numerous at the Falls, [MN] Sunday May 7, 1826. . arrived at the Chutes at 7 A. L Hhen co~~encea getting the propert. accross the portage irnediatly so as to be reinoved sone distance fr01ri the InC:ians w'10 are al 1 encamped at this enc when I made Viichel tel 1 those Indians \·'ho have horses to bring them here anc that I shoul( pay them well £or whatever number they mi~ht ~ispose of ... they scythe water is too hish for the Fishery, and that they can scarcely take enourh to feec.1 ther:iselves. [MN] Monday Nay 8, 1826. . towards evening the Indians brought us four Small Salmon which was Tra~eo for 2 doz. brass Rinqs; they also told us that t· ose who have Hors12s to trade will he h~re tc narrow,
the Horse trade in this quurter has been spoilt by the Freemen who never hesitate a moment in giving what they possess when I fine horse is in question. [MN] Tuesday May 9, 1826 ... seeing the Indians are not inclined to bring their Horses here sent Michel to their Camp which is only on the opposite side of the River and told him to endeavour and get as many as possible, he was not absent above three hours when he returned and tole me they would dispose of only one for which they aked a 2nd hand Gun and a fathom of Strouds, but the truth is they do not want to part with any of them as when offered the price he found fault with the stouds saying it was too short. [MN] Thursday May 11, 1826 ... Lucier the Freeman arrived on his way to Fort Vancouver, but on finding we were bound to the Southward in quest of Beaver, he changed his mind and returned with us to the Old Fort. [MN] Friday May 12, 1826 ... arrived at the Old Fort . [YH] Monday May 15, 1826 ... about Midday Mr. McLeod arrived accompanied by an Indian, havins left Mr. Annance & Men with the Horses at the Chutes, the latter being so much fagued that he considere~ it proper to leave them there for a few days so as to recover their strength, there being now (in consequence of the Fall of the water in the River) a fine Fishery at that place, Mr McLeod says the Country which he passed is very bad that he was under the necessity of keeping along the Borders of the Mountain, which runs parallel with the Wallamatte in consequence of the Heavy Rains, we have had lately, has almost entirely inundated that low tract of Country. [YH] Tuesday May 16, 1826 ... Mr. McLeod has purchased 10 Horses and Mares anc 2 Colts, from Lucier the Freeman who upon an average Costs him L 1-14, at 6 P.M. Jeaudoin arrived with two Letters, from the Fort for Mr. McLeod containing instructions to send Mr. Annance and myself thence imrnediately. [YH] Alexander R. McLeod: May 17 to June 1, 1826 Wec:nesday l'.ay 1 7, 18 2 6. . . Messrs. Manson and Annance took their departure for Fort Vancouver ... the object the party have in view is to collect Beaver, but where to Shape our course with any prospects of success is a query, as yet we possess no information to ground any hopes upon, than what Laframboise asserts fro~ Indian report obtained on the Coast on~ Trip he made to that quarter in course of last Winter which is further supported by his own rerson21 observations, for he states to have seen many vistises of Beaver in two Small Rivers that flo\1 into the Sea whose sources are not fnr remote from the Sea Coast- to that quarter we shall direct our Course. [YH]
(o3 Friday May 19, 1826. It froze hard last night ... water said to be very high in all the Rivers . [YH] Sunday May 21, 1826 ... in the afternoon we shifted our Camp and went forward about a couple of miles and encamped--Traded from an Indian a Mare and her Fold, four Mares with their Folds we left in charge of an Indian who has the care of Luciers horses ... Thirty nine Horses compose the number we started with including Old and young . [YB] Monday May 22, 1826. .distance about Seven miles Course Westerly. [YH] Tuesday May 23, 1826 .... we made a little progress forward, and encamped on the Banks of a little River about 100 feet wide and very deep in the present state of the water its Banks are to Steep. the Country is very open but hilly-- . . . [YH] Wednesday May 24, 1826 .... proceeded along the little River towards the high land on our right we came at last to a groupe of tall Trees one of which we fell accross the River over it our Bagage was carried to the opposite shore ... a few Indians (Yamhil) cast up at our place of abode as they have several horses we imagine .their oLject is to trade some. [YH] Thursday May 25, 1826. [see August 14, 1826) . in our route crossed three Rivers over which by means of Trees the men carried the property and the Horses had to swim. Several Indians going and coming on our route some keep company with us, we got in sight of the Mountains over which we must pass to reach the Ocean--passed by the Yamhil Camp some horses offered but no Barsain concluded-- . I suppose we came about 13 miles to Day the face of the Country continues fine and open, Groupes of Oak Trees dispersed in every direction beautifies the scenery very much. [YH] Friday May 26, 1826. .traded from our Indian visitors 2 horses and one Fold--and Laframboise having one of the Company's Rifles exchanged for another with an Indian who gave a horse to make up the difference. In course of to day passed several Indian habitations ... we passed several small Rivers but none of any magnitude they created no delay--tolerable roads but our horses tho lightly loaded iwprove slowly I a1n afraid they will continue poor throughout the Summer especially those that came lately from Walla Walla and who compose the far greatest number we have. [YH] Saturday May 27, 1826. [see August 13, 1826] . several Yamhi 1 came to us with horses. [ YH] Sunday May 28, 1826. [see Au<Just 12, 182(i] . we proceeded forward a few miles and formed a Camp more convenient for our purpose than the spot we lately occupied ... We are now at the skirts of the Mountain through which we have to pass In6ians tell us the Road is bad. [YH]
Monday May 29, 1826. [see August 11, 1826) Rain at intervals, remained in Camp men and women employed scraping skins and drying Meat. [YH] Tuesday May 30, 1826 .... proceeded forwarded entered the Mountain and followed a small stream which as we went forward encreased to 30 Yards in width this stream flows into the Ocean we had to cross it no less than ten times when we reach'd a small plain where we erected our Camp some very steep hills to ascend: underwood very thick. [NS] Thursday June 1, 1826. . . about midday reach' d the Coast leaving the River we followed on our right, it now assumes a formidable appearance, and its junction with the sea and goes under the denomination of the Kellymoux River the Indians of that name inhabit this vicinity the report of a gun brought seven of these people to us, who were civilly recieved and liberaly supplied with fresh meat which proved very exceptable to those poor people who seldom taste any . . . [NS] Alexander R. McLeod: August 11 to August 17, 1826 Friday August 11, 1826. It rained in the night but ceased early in the morning ... about Midday we got in motion entered the Mountain and put up at our Campment of the 29th May an Indian of the last Village who had been with us since Spring his services no longer required we left him with his friends after compensating him proportionately to his services . . . [NS) Saturday August 12, 1826. Fine weather reachd our encamp~ent of the 28th May and put up our horses much tired Cannon and Jos: Louis cast up in the evening no great Success the former killed a Deer, in Crossing the River Killimoux some furs got Wet. [YH] Sunday Auqust 13, 1826. Fine weather . at our encampment of the 27th May we put up for the purpose of hunting being informed by Little Ignace (Iroquois) whom we met, that there was no animals further on he has been at the Fort about fifteen days ago and has not killed an animal since . [YH] Monday August 14, 1826. Fine weather, continued our route and put up at Yamhill Village . . . [YH] Tuesday August 15, 1826. Fine weather before leaving our Cam1 Indians came to us ... they made us an offer of horses for Ne~ Guns which we had not to give. [YH] Wednesday August 16, 1826. [see September 17, 1 26) Fine weather in course of day past many Indian habitations but few inhabited we encamped at a River where the Men had to carry every thing over . [YH]
Thursday August 17, 1826. Fine Weather past the Wallamette Mountains and reach'd a little Channel of the Same name, encamped opposite to a deserted Village, sent to the two villages for canoes from where some Indians came that we met on their return loaded with Salmon which they obtain in return for Camass. [MN]
Alexander R. McLeod: September 6 to October 28, 1828 Saturday September 6, 1828. Fine Weather--At 4 P.M. left Fort Vancouver, in a Boat with Six Men havinq a Canoe in Company, both much incu~bered with Baggage, the Boat so indifferent as to require a Man Constantly Employed baling out Water--shaped our course towards the Wullamette River, and fixed our Camp for the Night on the 1st Point of its entrance on the East shore--Mr. J. Smith accompanies us-- [MH] Sunday September 7, 1828. Fine Weather ... at 4 P.M. reached the Chuttes [Willamette Falls], having come a distance of about five and twenty miles--i.e. four miles from the Entrance of the River to the junction of both Channels--seventeen to the first Rapid and four to the Portage of three hundred yards over which our heavy baggage was carried by dusk the Indians assisted and each [received] a bit of tobacco, it was considered ample remuneration--found a Boat which was left for us-- ... --few Indians at this place the majority being up the Country. various reports of our horses, these people like the Generality in this Quarter are so subject to exaggeration that their assertions are entitled to little credibility therefore their stories treated with indifference.-- [TL] Monday September 8, 1828. Fine Weather ... reached Sampou yea [Champoeg] at 2 in the afternoon ... [Michel] La Framboise . arrived to day from the Umpqua--he had no personal Communication with any of those Indians, he returned from near the Old Fort, Nasti who accompanied hin1, acted as Linguist carried a Message to the Principal Chief of that Tribe who seems still to value our support and seems exasperated at the late action of the Keli~atset Indians who defeated Mr. Smiths Party--some of the horses have been taken by the Umpqua Indians, who still possess them, all the Property furs as well as other things is dispersec over the Country--La Framboise on his return met with some of those Skins in the possession of a Wullamet Indian and could only recover them in the ordinary way of trade, from an other Individual of the same tribe he got one of the horses in the same way--all of which we celivered to Mr. Smith--Distance and courses as follows, 1 1/2 Mile S.S.W. a Small River [Tualatin] runing in from the Nest 1/2 Mile above the Falls [Oregon City], S.S.E. 1 Mile. S. 1 1/4 Mile. S.E. 1/4 Mile. S. 1 2/3 Hiles. W st 1 Mile. N.W. 1/2 Mile. W. 1/2 Mile. S.W. 1 Mile. N.N.W. 1/2 Mile. W. 1/4 Mile. \ 1 .S.W. 1/2 Mile. S.W. 1 1/2 Mile.- W.N.11. 1/2 Mile. S.W. 2 1/2 Miles. S.S.N. 1/4 Mile. S. 2 1/2 Miles. S.S.W. 2 1/2 Miles. S.W. 1 Mile. W.S.W. 1 Mile. S.S.W. 1/4 Mile. This days route from the Falls to the Site of the Old Establishment [Champoeg? Newburg?] where our peoples Ca~p is situated-- ... --of late the fire has committed
such ravages that Scarcely any feeding is left for our Animals--Gave the Men their Regale.-- [EWV] Letter To John McLaughlin At Fort Vancouver. . Some of Mr. Smiths Furs have found their way into the Wullameth in possession of Charles from whom La Framboise, traded them, also a horse from another Indian, both were immediately delivered to Mr. Smith, and the cost to be placed to his account. From La Framboises report Mr. Smiths case appears more gloomy than you anticipated or himself conjectured--he is in full possession of all information brought us on the Subject, and I believe writes you about it: the Freemen are some distance from hence, they have some skins which will be forwarded when your people wil part with us: no Indians as yet brought horses, one only I believe was added to the number, four have been drowned, and two or three are missing, eight or nine days ago, besides some of the Band I left in march were not found, as yet, I have no correct statement, the ill usage our horses got from the Indians will I trust be a lesson to us, not to trust others again without a guard: ... our progress will be dilatory owing to the Country being entirely burnt, poor as our animals are just now, in a short time hence they will be much more so, and I anticipate much delay from this circumstance. Tuesday September 9, 1828. Fine Weather ... the Men, such as were not too much affectec with liquor, employed making Saddles-- fEWV] Wednesday September 10, 1828. Fine Weather.--the Men employed as yesterday, many unable to do any job, from the effects of Liquor ... Caisano and Suite proceeded to the Southward, on a visit-- [EWV] Thursday September 11, 1828. Fine Weather ... --the Men Still enjoying themselves, but I am glad to observe that little Liquor now remains in their possession. [EWV) Friday September 12, 1828. In the forenoon Cloudy Weather and Rain succeeded in heavy showers--this circumstance effectually stoped our progress. Mr. Smith shot a Small Deer, which happened very oportunely as we had no Venison-- ... all our Baggage is ready-- . [EvN] Saturday September 13, 1828. the Weather continued over cast during the night, and cleared up after day light and continued fine the remainder of the day--Horses collected and distributed to each man ... had to postpone our departure till tomorrow.--had the Weather permitted, we would have started a Party as feeding our Animals is very Scanty--at six P.M. M. La framboise & Party arrived from the Fort (handed me a letter from C.F. McLaughlin intimating a desire to use every means to warrant the restitution of Mr. Smiths Property-- ... ) , No news of Consequence. . . [EWV]
Sunday September 14, 1828. Same Weather as yesterday, of course we could not move ... [EvN] Monday September 15, 1828. Light Rain at intervals ... after Noon I proceeded with a Party, leaving others (including two of Smith's men) with Mr. McKay, to endeavor and find the Strayed horses our route led Southward, the Want of Grass, made us go till 9 P.M. when we reached a Small River [??] where there is a little Picking for our Animals. [EWV] Tuesday September 16, 182R. Rainy Weather--Sent back Men and horses, to where Mr. McKay is as part of our baggage remained there . . . [EWV] Wednesday September 17, 1828. Cloudy Weather--In the Afternoon Mr. McKay & his Party arrived, having found the Strayed horses, with the exception of four, that were not Seen Since my arrival and We suppose them Stolen by Indians inhabiting the Vicinity of Mount Hood-- Caisano arrived from Sandiam River and now proceeds to the Columbia . . . [EWV] Thursday September 18, 1828. Rainy Weather, so we could not rise Camp. Caisano departed on his return to the Columbia, by him addressed a few lines to Chief Factor McLaughlin . [EWV] Letter To John McLoughlin At Fort Vancouver. . tho' we made a move on the 15th Inst. we are not above 15 miles forward on our route: this delay is principally occasioned by our young horses continually straying alternately day after day and parties hunting them ... We have had much rain of date with great indication of continuance. Mr. S[mith] I believe is undecided which route he will take--Turner see~ingly declines exposing himself to further molestation from the hostile tribes of Indians over the Mountains, indeed I am much in doubt that the Trader will leave us, as he seems so unsettled ... when the proper time arrives I shall do all I can that the whole party go together. La Framboise with a party of Men pass on the west side the Wullamette to endeavour and trade horses ... all these Freemen have had much dealings with Indians from whom they have obtained Furs, some I have no doubt to a large amount-- ... Grevais as usual will soon git discouraged ... those people are not alive to enterprize, and nothing but decisive measures will ever make them leave their favorite country Wullamette ... Friday September 19, 1828. The rain continued at long intervals all day ... Louis Shanagorate came from River Sandiam, having past the Night with us returned to his Camp this afternoon-- [EWV] Saturday September 20, 1828. less Rain than yesterday, but our horses having Strayed in the Night, we lost the day to collect them . . . [EWV]
Sunday September 21, 1828. Flying Showers of Rain, Rised Camp Course South Distance Twelve Miles. past River Chembukte [Salem; Mill Creek?], In the Afternoon Gervais, D'Epatis, Louis & Jacques, Met us at our Camp, they bring us unfavourable accounts of the Umpqua Indians, it is the common report of other tribes, that the former are ill disposed towards us, having received large presents from the Kelewasets, who defeated Mr. Smiths People, are now resolved to support them, elated with their late success, they expect to make an easy capture of us, as soon as we enter their Country, it is said they are mustering Strong to way lay us in the woody parts of the Country, Pillage is their object unmindful of the Consequences, this is the substance of the report brought us by the free Men, and they got it from the Lamali Indians [?] who have visited the Umpquas. Encamped at the little River., near half ways over the Point of high land [Turner; Mill Creek?] [EWV] Monday September 22, 1828. Fine Weather, Rised Camp Distance about 8 Miles, to River Sandiam, where we encamped, the Water being Still high for our horses to ford the Channel, loaded, and the water falling fast, induced us to wait till to morrow ... some Indians brought Skins to trade, which we rejected, referring them to Laframboises Return. [EWV) Tuesday September 23, 1828. Fine Weather--Continued our route, Course the Same distance 18 Miles--Encamped at River Coup'e [Calapooya River] on the North Bank-- ... --Indians came to us with roots to trade-- [EWV] Wednesday September 24, 1828. Fine Weather--Continued our progress, about 12 Miles. Course S. & W. Encamped on the West Shore of the Wullamette, fording the River about Knee deep Water, the Marrons caused three loaded horses to rush into the Deep, two were drowned loaded with traps & lead--the third loaded with Grain got safe across, every,endeavour was made to recover the lost Articles without Success--!Jight put a stop to further exertion. the Indians seem shy of us-- [LT] Thursaay September 25, 1828. Fine Weather . a Blanket and an ax, was Stipulated as a remuneration to the Individual who would succeed in finding the horses or Property--In the Afternoon, one of the Indians, luckily found One, with 19 traps out of twenty, One surposed to have remained at the Bottom-- .. [LT] Friday September 26, 1828. Fine Weather, Men and Indians e~ployed as yesterday, but with equal Success as the attempt proved fruitless ... the Depth of Water may be about twenty feet, but in a particular place it exceeds that, Understanding that Gervais had a Slave that was famed for Diving I sent for hir., . the Stipulated reward was given to the Indian, that found the horse, this created further exertions . [LT]
---- -- ------------------- Saturday September 27, 1828. Fine Weather, throughout the de_ persivered in our Search, but ineffectually ... Mr. s_:Tiith] who past the Night from Camp returned with a Deer-- [ L'.:'.::] Sunday September 28, 1828. Fine Weather. the Indians w·=hing to have their Canoes, to enable them to go in Quest of t::.eir food, left us without Means of Continuing our Search, cc=sequently the Men were divided into three Parties, and c~~ected to make three Canoes, at which they were employed all da7-- [LT] Monday September 29, 1828. Fine Weather--at Noon two Canoes be2ng ready, reassumed the Sea[r]ch till Dusk, without any su~cess. [LT] Tuesday September 30, 1828. Cloudy Weather--About Noon M. La Framboise & Party arrived, their delay was occasioned by the Indians being dispersed in detached lParties in various directions, remote from each other, and as the object of the Pa=ty was to obtain horses, as many as possible, much time was lost to visit the different Parties of Indians, and 8 horses only were traded rather at a more extravagant Price, than we expected, and only our present Situation could make us pay them so high, Still we require more to make us independent, as once out of this Section of the Country, no means exists of procuring any ... Continued Searching for our lost property, but in Vain-- [LT] Wednesday October 1, 1828. Fine Weather--Every endeavour to find our lost property proving fruitless, gave us all hopes, and rised Camp along River Nomtom ba [Long Torn], distance 15 Miles, Courses. & s.w ... forded the River and Encamped on the East Shore . . . [LT] Thursday October 2, 1828. Fine Weather, Continued our route, Course South distance 9 Miles, along the Banks of the Same River--D'Epatis & Gervais with their followers, are now attached to our Party, forming in all twenty Men, nearly as many Slaves, besides Mr. S. [mith] & his three Men, which in the Eyes of the Natives, makes a forcible impression if we can judge from the alarm a few Indians s[e]en in the course of the day, got. they instantly Sheltered themselves in the woods intrities of their Acquaintances appeased them and they came to us afterwards quit[e] composed . [LT] Friday October 3, 1828. Fine Weather, Started at the usual hour, when our horses got fagged put up. Distance 15 Miles Direction South--Entered the Mountain, bad Water and no Grass--hunters traveled much no Success-- [SS] Saturday October 4, 1828. Fine Weather, La Framboise with two Men, proceeded to the Eastward, to recover a horse belonging to Mr. Smith, Said to be in possession of Indians in that Quarter Proceeded Six Miles and encamped finding plenty of Grass and
7/ Water for our Horses ... no Indians seen in this Section of the Country, supposed to be occasioned by a general alarm among the different tribes ... [SS] Sunday October 5, 1828. Fine Weather, Continued our progress in a Southerly direction till over the Mountain La Biche then Westerly along the River of the Sarne Name, forded it and pitched our Camp on a fine Plain, where my Camp stood two months last Winter--Distance today 18 Miles, according to Indian report we were led to expect Seeing Indians in this Vicinity, it was even asserted and believed by some of our Party, that, they would way lay us, in Woods through which we past in course of to day but that like many other Indian stories proved Groundless as we have not discovered even late Vestiges ... [UQ] Monday October 6, 1828. Fine Weather ... Laframboise arrived and brought the horse he went for, the Property of Mr. Smith accordingly made over to hirn.--Indians Laframboise went to, informed him that those of the Umpqua, hearing of the Strength of our Party, and supposing our intention hostile, got intimidated and were of[f] to the Mountains, this is a new version and likely without foundation ... No Indians discovered as yet--La Framboise had to leave his horse on the Way. [UQ] Tuesday October 7, 1828. Fine Weather ... Indian vestiges of a late date Seen not far from our Camp, on the Mountains, supposed by Spies watching our movements ... [UQ] Wednesday October 8, 1828. Fine Weather, In consequence of late information Stating the Umpqua Indians to be collected, with the Chief at their head, and Stationed at the Site of the Old Establishment on Said River, and those people possessing horses belonging to Mr. Smith and our route being in that direction, we proceeded forward, Course as usual Southerly Distance 18 Miles, encamped on a Branch of the Urnpqua, corning from the N.E.--in course of the day saw Some Indians a head who took to the woods as soon as they saw us, as it was of importance to our object to have a Communication with them an Indian of our party was sent to them with a suitable Message which had the desired effect and confirmed the former Story relative to the Indians being assembled at the Same place as above Stated--saw other Indians on the summit of the hills none came _to us till after we were encamped their assertions tends to confirm what others told us with the exception of the residence of the Chief and Party who are Some distance to the Eastward of the site of the Old Establishment. they have some horses but the number our informants can not tell, Many have been killed by the Natives on the Coast and a loss sustained in conveying them Sea. [UQ] Thursday October 9, 1828. Fine Weather--Continued our route Distance 11 Miles, Course South, Encamped on the Umpqua River, on the North Side near the Site of the Old Establishment Some Indians residing in the Vicinity fled at our approach, but were soon made to return, as their Countrymen accompanying us appeased
their fear--and they returned to their habitations treated them in the customary way . [UQ] Friday October 10, 1828. Fine Weather--Sent a Message to the Chief to come to us and is expected in a day or two.--Indian intelligence purporting that four of Mr. Smiths Men are in the custody of Cahoose Indians, how these people escaped, we are left to conjecture, Several Indians affirm that they are in existence, if the Old Chiefconfirms the report [it] will remove my doubts on the Subject. two horses and a mule were brought to Camp being Mr. S[mith] 's Property--one of our lads States to have Seen an other while hunting on the South Shore ... [UQ] Saturday October 11, 1828. Fine Weather--the Umpqua Chief with a Dozen of his tribe arrived, they have brought 8 horses restored them to their owner Mr. Smith--had a conversation with this Leader, St. Arnoose, who has been in person on a visit to the Kellywasats after they defeated Mr. Smiths Party, and we enquired into the Cause that gave rise to that unfortunate affair, and the Old man Stated, that whileMr. Smiths people were busy fixing Canoes together by means of Sticks, to convey their Baggage over the Channel, an ax was mis[s]ed and suspicion led to suspect the Indians of having embez[z]led it consequently to recover the Property an Indian of that tribe was seized tyed and otherwise ill treated, and only liberated after the AX was found in the Sand, this Indian happened to be of Rank, of course much irritated at the treatment he met with, declared his intentions to his tribe, to retaliate on the offenders, but he was overruled, by an Individual higher in Rank and possessing greater influence, subsequently this same man wishing to ride a horse for amusement about the Camp took the liberty of mounting one for the purpose when one of Mr. Smiths men, having a Gun in his hand and an irritated aspect desired the Indian agrily to dismount, the Indian instantly obeyed, hurt at the Idea and suspecting the Man disposed to take his life he gave his concurrence to the Plain [Plan?] in agitation in which dicission, the Indians were much influenced by the Assertions of the other Party, telling them that they were a different people from us, and would soon monopolize the trade, and turn us out of the Country these Circumstances and harsh treatment combined caused their untimely fate, at a moment the[y] least expected it.--the property the Indians got is .all disposed of along the Coast--Our Informant can't say anything possitive regarding the 4 Whites Said to be in the neighbourhood of River Shiquits or Cahoose, he having heard of it merely as a flying report, from that Quarter through the Interior--we requested him to endeavour and obtain what information he could Glean on the subject.--understanding, that Several horses were Still to be recovered in this Section of the Country, we defer[r]ed remunerating the Indians till we had got all--intimated our wish to the Chief to interest himself therein, which he promised to do, and proposed to start on the Morrow on that Mission--2 Bears & 9 Deer Killed-- [UQ]
Sunday October 12, 1828. Fine Weather ... St Arnoose departed with one of our Young Men, agreeable to his promise of yesterday, various reports propagated by the Indians about here, relative to the Disposition and intention of the Kellywasat tribe, the Old Chief enquired if we intended to make war which we answered in the Negative, knowing his disposition towards them of old, he and his Nation would readily take arms against them more especially if supported by us to enhance his own merrit--being told our wish was to Establish Peace and Quietness and recover what could be got of Mr. Smiths Property, and restore the Same, seemed to give Satisfaction, but privately with some of his intimate Acquaintances the Old fellow, entered more minutely into the subject, and expressed his surprise at our interference in aiding and assisting People that evinced evil intentions towards us, as he had been informed by the people who defeated the Party, they having communicated something about territorial Claim, and that they would soon possess themselves of the Country, makes the Natives about us very inquisitive not having ever heard such a thing before, and we avoid giving them any information, and treat the subject with derision. Mr. Smith when told of this, observed that he did not doubt of it, but it was without his knowledge and must have been intimated to the Indians through the Medium of a Slave boy attached to his Party, a Native of the Wullamette--he could converse freely with those Indians--as to the Origin of the Quarrel as Stated yesterday by the Old Chief Mr. Smith affirms to have tied an Indian and set him free when the ax was restored, but denies having used blows or any manner of violence except Seizing him--[Arthur] Black acknowledges to have seen a Chief mount a horse without leave and ordered him to desist but not in an angry tone neither did he present his Gun, but had it in his hand, and he adds the Indian immediately dismounted, shortly after the party was attacked and defeated-- [UQ] Monday October 13, 1828. Fine Weather-- ... the Old Chief returned with ten horses--Mr. Smith has received up to this date 26 Horses and Mules. [UQ] Tuesday October 14, 1828. Fine Weather ... the Old Chief got Several Articles as a remuneration for his Services, which he distributed among his followers, who assisted in bringing horses up from the Coast, they appeared satisfyed and the Old Man unasked proposed to accompany us on our intended journey to the Sea Coast--and at our request promised to be here in two days with Six Canoes to convey the Party from the Verveau, to the Sea . the hire of each costs us a half Ax--. [UQ] Wednesday October 15, 1828. High Southerly Wind-- ... a Messenger was dispatched with a letter to those people reported to be in the Neighborhood of Cahoose or Shiquits River, Mr. Smith is of Opinion that Logan & three other Men have not visitted their Deposit last Season, and were proceeding towards his route, and possibly fell on his track and have come forward till their progress was arrested by the Natives, the probability of this Conjecture having some foundation, an Indian acquainted with t~e
route through the Interior, was hired to convey them information of our endeavours to afford them every assistance in our power, that our means will warrant--other Indians as well as the One we engaged to have heard the Same Account of those People as above narrated-- [UQ] Thursday October 16, 1828. Some Rain ... The Old Chief agreeable to promise arrived brought the Six Canoes as Stipulated--Five of Mr. Smiths horses got in to day and delivered to him--Preparations making to Start on the Morrow for the Coast Mr. Smith with a Man is to be of the Party making a total of Twenty--the others have enough to do about Camp under the Charge of Mr. T. McKay. [UQ] Friday October 17, 1828. Left the Camp in charge of Mr. M.Kay and a Party of Men and Started with Laframboise and Sixteen Men accompanied by Mr. J.S. Smith & one of his Men [Black?]--The two others left with Mr. M Kay to take care of the horses--our Canoes Navigated by Indians, the Old Chief volunteered to be of the party and took charge of the Crafts, we took horses to facilitate our return as by Water it would prove tedious and delaytory--Our route led over a Neck of Land, very hilly, Course Northerly, distance 15 Miles Encamped on the Main Umpqua River-- [UQ] Saturday October 18, 1828. Continued our progress 12 Miles and Encamped, Course west of north, our track led along the River in many places Country hilly and occasionally thick woods. [UQ] Sunday October 19, 1828. Raised Camp Distance 8 Miles--Course west of North Some Deer Killed. Saw the Carcasses of Several horses, Killed by the Indians a long time ago--the Chief and his followers came up with us about Dark, who confirmed our Conjectures about the horses, he was of the Party. [UQ] Monday October 20, 1828 .... heavy Rain ... Raised Camp past River La Biche at tis junction with River Umpqua, Encamped below Grand Cote and availed ourselves of the leaves of trees for a Skreen against the Wet--Distance 15 Miles--Course Westerly [UQ] Tuesday October 21, 1828. Heavy Rain Continued--proceeded about 12 termination of the Open Country, within about 1 1/2 Mile of the Village pretty populous, on observing a Couple of Graves newly erected excited our Curiosity an on enquiry of the Indians in Company, they told us it was two Individuals of the Ds-alel Indians Killed in the fray by the Party defeated by them--In the evening Sent a Message by the Chief, Starnoose, to the Village requesting restitution of the Property in their possession belonging to Mr. Smith-- [UQ] Wednesday October 22, 1828. Constant Rain till in the afternoon it Moderated--Indians from the Village restored, 1 Rifle, 2 Pistol, 1 Musket, Some Books and other Paper, Charts, 2
Vials Medicines, 139 Large Beavers, 24 Small--22 Large Land Otters, 20 Small, 1 Com. Cotton Shirt--1 Russian Ditto--1/2 Doz led Pencils-- [UQ] Thursday October 23, 1828. Weather fine--The following Articles restored viz 421 Large Beavers--4 Small--1 Large land Otter 4 Sea Otters.-- [UQ] Friday October 24, 1828. Endeavoured to get Canoes and Indians to Convey the we have on hand [sic) to our Camp, but could not get any Sizable Craft-- [UQ] Saturday and Sunday, October 25 and 26, 1828. Occupied in getting the furs &c lately recovered under way to our Camp under the Charge of ours and one of Mr. Smiths Men [Black?]-- [UQ) Monday October 27, 1828. With the remainder of our party forming a total of 16 we proceeded down Stream in three Canoes, took a position opposite to the Second Village--these people immediately restored what they possessed of Mr. Smiths Property to wit, 10 lb. Beads--1 Steel trap 1 Fowling piece, 1 Musket & a Cooking Kettle-- [UQ) Tuesday October 28, 1828. Fine Weather--Proceeded to the Sea--Stoped at the entrance of the North Branch, where Mr. Smiths Party were destroyed, and a Sad Spectacle of Indian barbarity presented itself to out View, the Skeletons of eleven of those Miserabl Sufferers lying bleaching in the Sun, after paying the last Service to their remains we continued forward and made the Coast, no Indians in the Vicinity, contrary to their former Custom as several Villages used to be about this place, the Natives are now more Collected than formerly-- [SM]
Theodore Talbot: 1849 ********************~ SUMMARY **~***********~****** Theodore Talbot took an extensive tour of the Coast in 1849--the first of record since McLeod's 1826 trip between the Alse anc Salmon Rivers. It is an effective reference due to its co~ments concerning the changes in Indian populations and life styles since the time of Haswell. Remarks concerning trail locations and vegetation are also pertinent to this report. Although I have not summarized the applicable portions of Talbot's journal yet, I've included some references below to give you an idea as to how they're going to shape up: October 5, 1849 Report To Persival Smith. In pursuance of your orders enclosing instructions from Division Headquarters of June 14, lE:49, and directing me to carry out that portion of the1'1 relo.tive to an examination of the Alcea river and the country adjacent, I proceeded from Fort Vancouver to Oregon City by water on the 14th of Aug~st, with a detachment, consisting of a sergean and nine men. I was delayed here some days, in consequence of .. . the great number of parties constar.tly leaving for California having completely drained this place of those equiprcents. I engaged here Joa(Juin Umphravil le, an e>:pert French vo~•ac:eur, as my interpreter, and to take especial care of the pack horses. [MH] Ausust 20, 1849. !laving conipletec our preparations, \le started for Ore~on City pn the 20th of August, traveling ei~hteen miles up the eastern side of the tillamette to Champoeg . J [ I:W1·1
August 21, 1849. . we crossed the river at a ferry three miles above Champoeg, and proceeded by easy marches up the valley of the Willamette, crossing the "Yam Hill" the "Richreol," (a corruption of the old French name "La Creole") and the "Little Luckiamute''--streams all tributary to the Willamette, and taking their rise in the Coast range of mountains. The country through which we passed was moderately rolling about one-third being covered with timber, the rest prairie or open land. The forest consists principally of of white anct live oal:, and with different species of cedar, pine, and fir. The soil of the bottom lands is a bro~~ish loam mixed with blue clay; that of the uplands is loose and gravelly. Clains are located and more or less improved on nearly all advantageous site for cultivation; but at present evince general neglect, many of the farms having been altogether abandoned by their owners for the more rapid acquisition of wealth in the mines of California. [LK] August 24, 1849. . .. we reached "King's Valley" a pretty plain some six miles in length, and from one to two miles in width, lying immediately at the foot of the Coast range, and seperated to the eastward from the main valley of the willamette by a line of steep hills. It is watered by a stream called the "Big Luckiarr,ute." Four families are settled here, and have well improved farms. The distance from Oregon City is estimated at sixty-£ i ve miles. From ti.e best infornation which I could obtain, I selected this as favorable point at which to pass the Coast rr,ountains. August 25, 1849. Crossing the Luckiamute, which takes its rise further north, we took a nearly west course, following a small Indian trail., which led us over a succession of high, steep ridges, running nearl~ at right angles to our course, and covered with forests of pine and fir, and a aense undergrowth og brushwood and fern. We crossea several small streams, thP headwaters of Mary's river, a tributary to the Willanette. The mountains were enveloped with such a dense mass of smoke, occasioned by some large fires to the south of us, that we could see but little of the surrounding country. These fires are of frequent occurrence in the forests of Oregon, raging with violence for months, until quelled by the continued rains of the rainy season. We met on the road a small party of Cliketate Indians returning to the tvillamette from a hunting expedition. The proper range of these Indians is on the east side of the Cascade mountains; but they have gradually encroached upon the hunting grounds of the other tribes to the west of the~, until they have reached the very ocean itself.
Jou!nals, Reports, and Correspondence Douglas, David. September 20, 1826 to November 19, 1826 Journal (Davies, John, 19 81 : pp. 9 3 -110) . Ermantinser, Francis. March 14, 1829 Letter to Edward Ermantinger at Montreal, Canada, from Thompson's River, Canada (McDonald, 1980: 117-22). Frost, John. August, 1841 to October, 1841 Journal/ 1emoirs (Pipes, 1934: p.235). Haswell, Robert August 4, 1788 to August 16, 1788 (Eliot: ????, pp. 167-177) Manson, Donald May 5, 1826 to May 16, 1826 (Davies, K.G.: 1961, pp.143-148) McLeod, Alexander R. May 17, 1826 to August 17, 182G Journal (Davies, K.G., 1961: ?P-1.18-174). September 15, 1826 to March 12, 1827 Journal (Davies, K.G., 1961: pp.175-219). November 5, 1826 Letter to John McLaughlin at Fort Vancouver, from Umpsua River (Davies, K.G., 1961: pp.221-22) Septe~ber 6, 1828 to Decenber 10, 1828 Journal (Sullivan, 1934: pp.112-135). September 8, 1828 Letter to John 1cLoughlin at Fort Vancouver, from Champoeg, Willamette Valley (Nunis, 1968: pp.10-11). September 18, 1828 Letter to John McLaughlin at Fort Vancouver, from Pudding River, Willamette Valley (Nunis, 1968: pp.11-12). Fejruary 15, 1830 Report to John NcLoushlin at Fort Vancouver (Nunis, 1~68: pp.31-43). McLaughlin, John August 10, 1828 Letter to The Governor, HBC fron Fort Vancouver ( cLoughlin,_ 19??: pp.68-70). Rogers, Harrison June 23, 1828 to July 13, 182b Journal (Dale: 1918, pp.260-271). §impson, Georqe Noven:ber 1 7, 18 2 8 Letter to Wi 11 iam Sini th, from Fort Vancouver ( 1•1 erk , 1 9 3 1 : pp. 2 9 9 - 3 0 1 ) . Dece~ber 26, 1828 Letter to Jeaediah Smith, at Fort Vancouver (Mer~-, 1931: pp. 302-06). December 29, 1828 Letter to Jecediah Sr:ii th at Fort Vancouver (,1erl~, 1931: pp.306-307).
79 March 1, 1829 Report to the Hudson's Bay Company. Smitll, Jedediah S. June 23, 1828 to July 3, 1828 Journal (Maloney, 1940: pp. 306-313) . December 24, 1829 Report to General Willaim Clark from Smith, Jackson, & Sublette "on the East & West of the R. Mountains," (Morgan, 1964: pp.337-343). October 29, 1830 Letter to John H. Eaton (Secretary of War) in Washington, D.C., from St. Louis, Missouri (Morgan, 1964: 343-34P). Talbot, Theodore August 14, 1849 to October 5, 1849 Journal (Haskin, 1958: pp.1-14) Personal Communications Bacon, Gerald: Douglas County historian, rancher, resident. 1987 conversations, correspondence. Douthit, Nathan: Historian, college instructor, author. 1987 conversation. Dyal, Addie: Librarian, researcher, historian. 1986-87 correspondence, conversations. Fogdall, Alberta: Author, teacher, historian, researcher. 1982-87 correspondence, conversations. Harmon, Rick Editor, Oregon Historical Quarterly. 1987 correspondence, conversation. Helfrich, Helen: Historian, researcher, author. 1987 correspondence, conversations. Holnes, Kenneth: Historian, researcher, professor. 1986-87 conversations. Jackson, John C.: Author, historian, researcher. 1963-87 correspondence, conversations. Johansen, Dorothy: Historian, author, researcher, professor. 19R7 conversations, correspondence. Juntanen, Judy: Museum curator, historian, author. 1985-87 correspondence, conversations. Linscheid, Dale E.: Cartographer, historian, researcher. 1986-87 interview, conversations. ~unforG, Kenneth: Historian, author, researcher.
1984-~ correspondence, conversations. Stoller, R~ 1 : Historian, author, researcher. 198 6-l,, correspondence, conversations. Wood, Raymu,,,; F.: Historian, professor, author. 198 7 c,,rr"espondence Young, Ella Mae: Librarian, researcher, historian. 1987 C11rres?ondence, conversations. Organi za tio· ~3 Associated ··egon Industries. Salem, regon. _£_e..9on and --a1 ifornia Trai 1 s Association. Indepe,. -~ence, Missouri. -1 edediah Sm.: h Society. Stockt-_ . , California. regon Hist.:.. • ica 1 Society. Portlar , Oregon. _ .::>unty Histc ·ical Societies: BE ton County: Philomath, Oregon. De ~qlas County: Roseburg, Oregon. Li .coln County: Newport, Oregon.
Withheld from this edition pending review. The item keeps its place in the register and its permanent link.
Monroe, Oregon 15 Minute (1957} Roseburg, Oregon 1:250,000 (1970) Salem, Oregon 1:250,000 (1970) Vancouver, Washington, Oregon 1:250,000 (1974) USDI/NPS Jedediah Smith Study Maps (1986}. Wilkes Map of the Oregon Territory (1841).
REFE?,(NCES 7 Books Aikens, C. Melvin, Archaeology of Oregon. Portland, Oregon: 1984. -Baker, Mildred M., Relations of the Early Fur Companies With the Indians of the Pacific Northwest. (University of Oregon unpublished Thesis). Eugene, Oregon: 1929. Batman, Richard, The Outer Coast. New York, N.Y.: 1985. Binns, Archie, Peter Skene Ogden: Fur Trader. Portland, Oregon: 1967. Bean, Walton, California, an Interpretive History. New York, N.Y.: 1968. Beckham, Stephen D., The Indians of Western Oregon. Coos Bay, Oregon: 1977. Berry, Don, A Majority of Scoundrels. Sausalito, California: 1981. Bradbury, John, Travels in the Interior of America in the Years 1809, 1810, and 1811. London: 1986. Brooks, George R., The Southwest Expedition of Jedediah S. Smith. Glendale, California: 1977. Camp, Charles L., George C. Yount and his Chronicles of the West. Denver, Colorado: 1966. Case, Robert O., The Empire Builders. New York, N.Y.: 1947. Carey, Charles H., General History of Oreqon. Portland, Oregon: 1971. Clark, Dan E., The West in American History. New York, N.Y.: 1947. Clark, Jr., Malcol , Eden Seekers: Settlement of Oregon 1818-1862. Boston, Massachusetts: 1981. Clark, R.C., History of the Willamette Valley, Oreqon. Portland, Oregon: 1927. Cook, Warren, Flood Tide of Empire. Cambridge, Massachusetts: 1973. Dale, Harrison c., ed. The Ashley-Smith Explorations and the Discovery of a Central Route to the Pacific 1822-1829. Glendale, California: 1941.
Davies, John, Douglas of the Forests: The North American Journals of David Douglas. Seattle, Washington:- 1981. Davies, K.G., ed. Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journal 1826-27. London: 1961. Devoto, Bernard, Across the Wide Missouri. New York, N.Y.: 1947. Devoto, Bernard, ed., The Journals of Lewis and Clark. Boston, Massachusetts: 1953. Dicken, Samuel N., Pioneer Trails of the Oregon Coast. Portlana, Oregon: 1978. Dicken, Samuel N. and Dicken, Emily F., The Making of Oregon: A Study in Historical Geography. Portland, Oregon: 1979. Dillon, Richard, Siskiyou Trail: The Hudson's Bay Company Route to California. New York, N.Y.: 1975. Douglas, David, Journal Kept by David Douglas During His Travels in North America, 1823-27. New Yor~, N.Y.: 1959. Edwards, G. T~1ornas and Schwantes, Carlos A. , eds. , Experiences in a Promised Land: Essays in Pacific Northwest History. Seattle, Washington: 1986. Fogdall, Alberta B., Royal Family of the Columbia: Dr. John McLoughlin and His Family. Portland, Oregon: 1984. Garber, D. W., Jedediah Strong Smith: Fur Trader From Ohio. Stockton, California: 1973. Hafen, Leroy R., ed., The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West. Glendale, California: 1~68. Hafen, Leroy R., Broken Hand, The Life of Thomas Fitzpatrick, Mountain Man, Guide and Indian Agent. Lincoln, -~ebraska: 1973. Haines, Aubrey L., ed., Journal of a Trapper: Osborne Russell (1834-1843). Lincoln, Nebraska: 1965. Haskin, Leslie L., ed., From the Journal of Lieut. Theodore Talbot, U.S.A. On His Journey Through Lincoln County and_~long the Oregon Coast in 1849. Newport, Oregon: 195e. Hines, Gustavus, Oregon: Its History, Condition And Prospects. New York, N.Y.: 1973. Holmes, Kenneth L., Ewing Young: Master Trapper. Portland, Oregon: 1967. Irving, Washin9ton, Astoria, (London, c.1900}.
Jackson, John C. and Hays, Carl D.W., The Shadow On The Tetons: David E. Jackson and the Development of the American West. Portland, Oregon: 1987 unpu~lished ms. Kasner, Leone L., Siletz: Survival For An Artifact. Dallas, Oregon: 1980. Katz, William L., The Black West. Garden City, New York: 1973. Kimerling, P. and Jackson, P.L., Atlas of the Pacific Northwest. Corvallis, Oregon: 1985. Lee, Daniel and Frost, J.H., Ten Years in Oregon. New York, N.Y.: 1844. McDonald, Lois H., The Fur Trade Letters of Francis Ermantinger. Glendale, California: 1980. McLaughlin, John, McLaughlin's Fort Vancouver Letters: First Series, 1825-38. London: 19??. Merk, Frederick, ed., Fur Trade and Empire: George Simpson's Journal. London: 1931. Morgan, Dale L., Jedediah Smith and the Openin0 of the West. Lincoln, Nebraska: 1964. Munford, Kenneth, The Salmon River Trail. Corvallis, Oregon: 1979. Nash, Wallis, Oregon: There and back in 1877. Corvallis, Oregon 197~. Neils, Sel~a, The Klickitat Indians. Portland, Oregon: 1985. Nunis, Doyce B., Jr., ed. The Hudson's Bay Company's First Fur Brigade To The Sacramento Valle : Alexander McLeod's 1829 Hunt. Sacramento, California: 1968. Preston, Ralph N., Early Oregon Atlas. Portland, Oregon: 1972. Rich, E. E., ed., Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journals: 1824-25 and 1825-261. London: 1950. Ruby, Robert H. and Brown, John A., A Guide to the Indian Tribes of the Pacific Northwest. Norman, Oklahoma: 1986. Ross, Alexander, Acventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or f9lumbia River, 1810-1813. Lincoln, Nebraska: 1986. Sandoz, Mari, The Beaver Men. London: 1978. Sauter, J. & Johnson, Bruce, Tillamook Indians of the Oregon Coast. Portland, Oregon: 1974. Snit~, John E., The Appleqate Trail in Benton County. Oregon: 1947.
Speck, Gordon, Northwest Explorations. Portland, oregon: 1970. Stewart, George R., Ordeal By Hunger: The Story of the Donner Party. New York, N.Y.: 1960. Sullivan, Maurice S., The Travels of Jedediah Smith. Santa Ana, California: 1934. Taylor, Arthurs. and Gustin, H. W., A Course of Study in Oregon History for Elementary Grades. Portland, Oregon: 1933. Thomas, Jack w. and Toweill, Dale E., Elk of North America: Ecology and Management. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: 1982. Townsend, John K., Narrative of a Journey across the Rocky Mountains to the Columbia River. Lincoln, Nebraska: 1978. Van Kirk, Sylvia, Many Tender Ties. Norman, Oklahoma: 1986. Victor, Frances F., The River Of The West. Missoula, Montana: 1983. Wheat, Carl I., Mapping the Transmississippi West: 1540-1861, "Volume Two: From Lewis and Clark to Fremont, 1804-1845." San Francisco, Claifornia: 1958. Williams, Richard L., The Northwest Coast. New York, N.Y.: 1973. Wilkes, Charles, Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition During the Years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842. (Volume V). Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: 18d5.
Articles Adams, Torn, "Bibliography Of Articles Relating To Jedediah Strong Smith," Pacific Historian, No. 19, p. 69. Stockton, California: Spring, 1975. Beckham, Steven D., "The Barlow Road," Overland Journal, Vol. 2, No. 3, p.4. Gerald, Missouri: Summer, 1984. Berreman, Joel v., "Tribal Distribution In Oregon," Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, No. 47, p. 1. Menasha, Wisconsin: 1937. Burnett, Peter H., "Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer," Oregon Historical Quarterly. Vol. ???, p.151. Portland, Oregon: 19??. Chase, Don M. and Doris H., "Bibliography Of Sources Relating To Jedediah Strong Smith," Pacific Historian, No. 7, p.149. Stockton, California: November, 1963. Clark, Robert C., "Hawaiians in Early Oregon," Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXXV, p.22. Salem, Oregon: 1934. Elliot, Thomas C., "Captain Robert Gray's First Visit To Oregon," Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. ???, p. 162. Portland, Oregon: ??? ' ????. Fung, Leslie G., "Jedediah Strong Smith: Escapist or Capatalist," Pacific Historian, No. 21, p.70. Stockton, California: Spring, 1977. Hague, Harlan, "The First California Trail: The Southern Route," Overland Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1, p.41. St. Louis, Missouri: Winter, 1987. Maloney, Alice B., "Camp Sites Of Jedediah Smith On The Oregon Coast," Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. XLI, p. 304. Portland, Oregon: September, 1940. Maloney, Alice B. ed., "Fur Brigade to the Bonaventura: John Work's California Expedition of 1832-33 for the Hudson's Bay Company," California Historical Society Quarterly, Vol. XXI, p.192. San Franciso, Caalifornia: 1942. McLaughlin, John, "Document," Oregon Historical Society, Vol. I. No. 1, p. 193. Portland, Oregon: March, 1900 . . 1erk, Frederick, "Snake Country Expedition," Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXXVII, p.99. Portland, Oregon: 1936.
Minto, John, "The Number and Condition of the Native Race in Oregon When First Seen by White Men," Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. ???, p.296. Portland, Oregon: 19??. Munford, J. Kenneth, "Historical Background: Discovery and early Settlement," Atlas Of The Pacific Northwest, p. 9. Corvallis, Oregon: 1985. Moore, Wert E., "Location Of Umpqua Massacre," Pacific Historian, No. 4, p. 144. Stockton, California: November, 1960. Perrine, Fred S., "Early Days On The Willamette," Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXV No. 1, p.295. Portland, Oregon: December, 1924. Pipes, Nellie B., "Journal of John H. Frost," Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXXV, p.50. Portland, Oregon: March, 1934. Pollard, Lancaster, "Site of the Smith Massacre on July 14, 1828," Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. XLV No. 2, p.133. Portland, Oregon: June, 1944. Rubin, Rick, "Deadly August," The Oregonian. Portland, Oregon: August 14, 1983. Scott, Leslie M., "Oregon Coast Highway," Oregon Historical Quarterly~ Vol. XXXIII, p.268. Portland, Oregon: 1932. Scott, Leslie M., "Indian Diseases as Aids to Pacific Northwest Settlement," Oregon Historical Society, Vol. ???, p. 144. Portland, Oregon: 19??. Work, John, "John Work's Journey From Fort Vancouver to Umpqua River, and Return, in 1834," Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXIV No. 3, p.238. Portland, Oregon: September, 1923. Young, Frederic G., "Oregon Pioneers Memorial," Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXIX, p.375, Portland, Oregon: 1928.
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- Bob Zybach
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- 14 December 1987
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- Zybach, Bob. A. Black, Jedediah Smith, and the Location of the Hudson’s Bay Company Pack Trails in Northwest Oregon in 1828 — Second Draft and Outline. 14 December 1987. NW Maps Co. / Oregon Websites and Watershed Project, Inc.
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